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President[ Lyndon B. Johnson

         Date[ January 4, 1965

On this Hill which was my home, I am stirred by old friendships.

Though total agreement between the Executive and the Congress is

impossible, total respect is important.

I am proud to be among my colleagues of the Congress whose legacy to their

trust is their loyalty to their Nation.

I am not unaware of the inner emotions of the new Members of this body

tonight.

Twenty-eight years ago, I felt as you do now. You will soon learn that you

are among men whose first love is their country, men who try each day to do

as best they can what they believe is right.

We are entering the third century of the pursuit of American union.

Two hundred years ago, in 1765, nine assembled colonies first joined

together to demand freedom from arbitrary power.

For the first century we struggled to hold together the first continental

union of democracy in the history of man. One hundred years ago, in 1865,

following a terrible test of blood and fire, the compact of union was

finally sealed.

For a second century we labored to establish a unity of purpose and

interest among the many groups which make up the American community.

That struggle has often brought pain and violence. It is not yet over. But

we have achieved a unity of interest among our people that is unmatched in

the history of freedom.

And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new quest for union. We seek the

unity of man with the world that he has built--with the knowledge that can

save or destroy him--with the cities which can stimulate or stifle

him--with the wealth and the machines which can enrich or menace his

spirit.

We seek to establish a harmony between man and society which will allow

each of us to enlarge the meaning of his life and all of us to elevate the

quality of our civilization. This is the search that we begin tonight.

STATE OF THE WORLD

But the unity we seek cannot realize its full promise in

isolation. For today the state of the Union depends, in large measure, upon

the state of the world.

Our concern and interest, compassion and vigilance, extend to every corner

of a dwindling planet.

Yet, it is not merely our concern but the concern of all free men. We will

not, and we should not, assume that it is the task of Americans alone to

settle all the conflicts of a torn and troubled world.

Let the foes of freedom take no comfort from this. For in concert with

other nations, we shall help men defend their freedom.

Our first aim remains the safety and the well-being of our own country.

We are prepared to live as good neighbors with all, but we cannot be

indifferent to acts designed to injure our interests, or our citizens, or

our establishments abroad. The community of nations requires mutual

respect. We shall extend it--and we shall expect it.

In our relations with the world we shall follow the example of Andrew

Jackson who said: "I intend to ask for nothing that is not clearly right

and to submit to nothing that is wrong." And he promised, that "the honor

of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the

statement of truth or for the performance of duty." That was this Nation's

policy in the 1830's and that is this Nation's policy in the 1960's.

Our own freedom and growth have never been the final goal of the American

dream.

We were never meant to be an oasis of liberty and abundance in a worldwide

desert of disappointed dreams. Our Nation was created to help strike away

the chains of ignorance and misery and tyranny wherever they keep man less

than God means him to be.

We are moving toward that destiny, never more rapidly than we have moved in

the last 4 years.

In this period we have built a military power strong enough to meet any

threat and destroy any adversary. And that superiority will continue to

grow so long as this office is mine--and you sit on Capitol Hill.

In this period no new nation has become Communist, and the unity of the

Communist empire has begun to crumble.

In this period we have resolved in friendship our disputes with our

neighbors of the hemisphere, and joined in an Alliance for Progress toward

economic growth and political democracy.

In this period we have taken more steps toward peace--including the test

ban treaty--than at any time since the cold war began.

In this period we have relentlessly pursued our advances toward the

conquest of space.

Most important of all, in this period, the United States has reemerged into

the fullness of its self-confidence and purpose. No longer are we called

upon to get America moving. We are moving. No longer do we doubt our

strength or resolution. We are strong and we have proven our resolve.

No longer can anyone wonder whether we are in the grip of historical decay.

We know that history is ours to make. And if there is great danger, there

is now also the excitement of great expectations.

AMERICA AND THE COMMUNIST NATIONS

Yet we still live in a troubled and

perilous world. There is no longer a single threat. There are many. They

differ in intensity and in danger. They require different attitudes and

different answers.

With the Soviet Union we seek peaceful understandings that can lessen the

danger to freedom.

Last fall I asked the American people to choose that course. I will carry

forward their command.

If we are to live together in peace, we must come to know each other

better.

I am sure that the American people would welcome a chance to listen to the

Soviet leaders on our television--as I would like the Soviet people to hear

our leaders on theirs.

I hope the new Soviet leaders can visit America so they can learn about our

country at firsthand.

In Eastern Europe restless nations are slowly beginning to assert their

identity. Your Government, assisted by the leaders in American labor and

business, is now exploring ways to increase peaceful trade with these

countries and with the Soviet Union. I will report our conclusions to the

Congress.

In Asia, communism wears a more aggressive face. We see that in Viet-Nam.

Why are we there?

We are there, first, because a friendly nation has asked us for help

against the Communist aggression. Ten years ago our President pledged our

help. Three Presidents have supported that pledge. We will not break it

now.

Second, our own security is tied to the peace of Asia. Twice in one

generation we have had to fight against aggression in the Far East. To

ignore aggression now would only increase the danger of a much larger war.

Our goal is peace in southeast Asia. That will come only when aggressors

leave their neighbors in peace.

What is at stake is the cause of freedom and in that cause America will

never be found wanting.

THE NON-COMMUNIST WORLD

But communism is not the only source of trouble and

unrest. There are older and deeper sources--in the misery of nations and in

man's irrepressible ambition for liberty and a better life.

With the free Republics of Latin America I have always felt--and my country

has always felt--very special ties of interest and affection. It will be

the purpose of my administration to strengthen these ties. Together we

share and shape the destiny of the new world. In the coming year I hope to

pay a visit to Latin America. And I will steadily enlarge our commitment to

the Alliance for Progress as the instrument of our war against poverty and

injustice in this hemisphere.

In the Atlantic community we continue to pursue our goal of 20 years--a

Europe that is growing in strength, unity, and cooperation with America. A

great unfinished task is the reunification of Germany through

self-determination.

This European policy is not based on any abstract design. It is based on

the realities of common interests and common values, common dangers and

common expectations. These realities will continue to have their

way--especially, I think, in our expanding trade and especially in our

common defense.

Free Americans have shaped the policies of the United States. And because

we know these realities, those policies have been, and will be, in the

interest of Europe.

Free Europeans must shape the course of Europe. And, for the same reasons,

that course has been, and will be, in our interest and in the interest of

freedom.

I found this truth confirmed in my talks with European leaders in the last

year. I hope to repay these visits to some of our friends in Europe this

year.

In Africa and Asia we are witnessing the turbulent unfolding of new nations

and continents.

We welcome them to the society of nations.

We are committed to help those seeking to strengthen their own

independence, and to work most closely with those governments dedicated to

the welfare of all of their people.

We seek not fidelity to an iron faith, but a diversity of belief as varied

as man himself. We seek not to extend the power of America but the progress

of humanity. We seek not to dominate others but to strengthen the freedom

of all people.

I will seek new ways to use our knowledge to help deal with the explosion

in world population and the growing scarcity in world resources.

Finally, we renew our commitment to the continued growth and the

effectiveness of the United Nations. The frustrations of the United Nations

are a product of the world that we live in, and not of the institution

which gives them voice. It is far better to throw these differences open to

the assembly of nations than to permit them to fester in silent danger.

These are some of the goals of the American Nation in the world in which we

live.

For ourselves we seek neither praise nor blame, neither gratitude nor

obedience.

We seek peace.

We seek freedom.

We seek to enrich the life of man.

For that is the world in which we will flourish and that is the world that

we mean for all men to ultimately have.

TOWARD THE GREAT SOCIETY

World affairs will continue to call upon our energy

and our courage.

But today we can turn increased attention to the character of American

life.

We are in the midst of the greatest upward surge of economic well-being in

the history of any nation.

Our flourishing progress has been marked by price stability that is

unequalled in the world. Our balance of payments deficit has declined and

the soundness of our dollar is unquestioned. I pledge to keep it that way

and I urge business and labor to cooperate to that end.

We worked for two centuries to climb this peak of prosperity. But we are

only at the beginning of the road to the Great Society. Ahead now is a

summit where freedom from the wants of the body can help fulfill the needs

of the spirit.

We built this Nation to serve its people.

We want to grow and build and create, but we want progress to be the

servant and not the master of man.

We do not intend to live in the midst of abundance, isolated from neighbors

and nature, confined by blighted cities and bleak suburbs, stunted by a

poverty of learning and an emptiness of leisure.

The Great Society asks not how much, but how good; not only how to create

wealth but how to use it; not only how fast we are going, but where we are

headed.

It proposes as the first test for a nation: the quality of its people.

This kind of society will not flower spontaneously from swelling riches and

surging power.

It will not be the gift of government or the creation of presidents. It

will require of every American, for many generations, both faith in the

destination and the fortitude to make the journey.

And like freedom itself, it will always be challenge and not fulfillment.

And tonight we accept that challenge.

A NATIONAL AGENDA

I propose that we begin a program in education to ensure

every American child the fullest development of his mind and skills.

I propose that we begin a massive attack on crippling and killing

diseases.

I propose that we launch a national effort to make the American city a

better and a more stimulating place to live.

I propose that we increase the beauty of America and end the poisoning of

our rivers and the air that we breathe.

I propose that we carry out a new program to develop regions of our country

that are now suffering from distress and depression.

I propose that we make new efforts to control and prevent crime and

delinquency.

I propose that we eliminate every remaining obstacle to the right and the

opportunity to vote.

I propose that we honor and support the achievements of thought and the

creations of art.

I propose that we make an all-out campaign against waste and inefficiency.

THE TASK

Our basic task is threefold:

First, to keep our economy growing;

--to open for all Americans the opportunity that is now enjoyed by most

Americans;

--and to improve the quality of life for all.

In the next 6 weeks I will submit special messages with detailed proposals

for national action in each of these areas.

Tonight I would like just briefly to explain some of my major

recommendations in the three main areas of national need.

1. A GROWING ECONOMY

BASIC POLICIES

First, we must keep our Nation prosperous. We seek full

employment opportunity for every American citizen. I will present a budget

designed to move the economy forward. More money will be left in the hands

of the consumer by a substantial cut in excise taxes. We will continue

along the path toward a balanced budget in a balanced economy.

I confidently predict--what every economic sign tells us tonight--the

continued flourishing of the American economy.

But we must remember that fear of a recession can contribute to the fact of

a recession. The knowledge that our Government will, and can, move swiftly

will strengthen the confidence of investors and business.

Congress can reinforce this confidence by insuring that its procedures

permit rapid action on temporary income tax cuts. And special funds for

job-creating public programs should be made available for immediate use if

recession threatens.

Our continued prosperity demands continued price stability. Business,

labor, and the consumer all have a high stake in keeping wages and prices

within the framework of the guideposts that have already served the Nation

so well.

Finding new markets abroad for our goods depends on the initiative of

American business. But we stand ready--with credit and other help--to

assist the flow of trade which will benefit the entire Nation.

ON THE FARMS

Our economy owes much to the efficiency of our farmers. We must

continue to assure them the opportunity to earn a fair reward. I have

instructed the Secretary of Agriculture to lead a major effort to find new

approaches to reduce the heavy cost of our farm programs and to direct more

of our effort to the small farmer who needs the help the most.

INCREASED PROSPERITY

We can help insure continued prosperity through:

--a regional recovery program to assist the development of stricken areas

left behind by our national progress;

--further efforts to provide our workers with the skills demanded by modern

technology, for the laboring-man is an indispensable force in the American

system;

--the extension of the minimum wage to more than 2 million unprotected

workers;

--the improvement and the modernization of the unemployment compensation

system.

And as pledged in our 1960 and 1964 Democratic platforms, I will propose to

Congress changes in the Taft-Hartley Act including section 14(b). I will do

so hoping to reduce the conflicts that for several years have divided

Americans in various States of our Union.

In a country that spans a continent modern transportation is vital to

continued growth.

TRANSPORTATION FOR GROWTH

I will recommend heavier reliance on competition

in transportation and a new policy for our merchant marine.

I will ask for funds to study high-speed rail transportation between urban

centers. We will begin with test projects between Washington and Boston. On

high-speed trains, passengers could travel this distance in less than 4

hours.

II. OPPORTUNITY FOR ALL

Second, we must open opportunity to all our people.

Most Americans enjoy a good life. But far too many are still trapped in

poverty and idleness and fear.

Let a just nation throw open to them the city of promise:

--to the elderly, by providing hospital care under social security and by

raising benefit payments to those struggling to maintain the dignity of

their later years;

--to the poor and the unfortunate, through doubling the war against poverty

this year;

--to Negro Americans, through enforcement of the civil rights law and

elimination of barriers to the right to vote;

--to those in other lands that are seeking the promise of America, through

an immigration law based on the work a man can do and not where he was born

or how he spells his name.

III. TO ENRICH THE LIFE OF ALL

Our third goal is to improve the quality of

American life.

THROUGH EDUCATION

We begin with learning.

Every child must have the best education that this Nation can provide.

Thomas Jefferson said that no nation can be both ignorant and free. Today

no nation can be both ignorant and great.

In addition to our existing programs, I will recommend a new program for

schools and students with a first year authorization of $1,500 million.

It will help at every stage along the road to learning.

For the preschool years we will help needy children become aware of the

excitement of learning.

For the primary and secondary school years we will aid public schools

serving low-income families and assist students in both public and private

schools.

For the college years we will provide scholarships to high school students

of the greatest promise and the greatest need and we will guarantee

low-interest loans to students continuing their college studies.

New laboratories and centers will help our schools--help them lift their

standards of excellence and explore new methods of teaching. These centers

will provide special training for those who need and those who deserve

special treatment.

THROUGH BETTER HEALTH

Greatness requires not only an educated people but a

healthy people.

Our goal is to match the achievements of our medicine to the afflictions of

our people.

We already carry on a large program in this country for research and

health.

In addition, regional medical centers can provide the most advanced

diagnosis and treatment for heart disease and cancer and stroke and other

major diseases.

New support for medical and dental education will provide the trained

people to apply our knowledge.

Community centers can help the mentally ill and improve health care for

school-age children from poor families, including services for the mentally

retarded.

THROUGH IMPROVING THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

The City

An educated and healthy people require surroundings in harmony with

their hopes. In our urban areas the central problem today is to protect and

restore man's satisfaction in belonging to a community where he can find

security and significance.

The first step is to break old patterns--to begin to think and work and

plan for the development of the entire metropolitan areas. We will take

this step with new programs of help for the basic community facilities and

for neighborhood centers of health and recreation.

New and existing programs will be open to those cities which work together

to develop unified long-range policies for metropolitan areas.

We must also make some very important changes in our housing programs if we

are to pursue these same basic goals.

So a Department of Housing and Urban Development will be needed to

spearhead this effort in our cities.

Every citizen has the right to feel secure in his home and on the streets

of his community.

To help control crime, we will recommend programs:

--to train local law enforcement officers;

--to put the best techniques of modern science at their disposal;

--to discover the causes of crime and better ways to prevent it.

I will soon assemble a panel of outstanding experts of this Nation to

search out answers to the national problem of crime and delinquency, and I

welcome the recommendations and the constructive efforts of the Congress.

The Beauty of America

For over three centuries the beauty of America has sustained our spirit and

has enlarged our vision. We must act now to protect this heritage. In a

fruitful new partnership with the States and the cities the next decade

should be a conservation milestone. We must make a massive effort to save

the countryside and to establish--as a green legacy for tomorrow--more

large and small parks, more seashores and open spaces than have been

created during any other period in our national history.

A new and substantial effort must be made to landscape highways to provide

places of relaxation and recreation wherever our roads run,

Within our cities imaginative programs are needed to landscape streets and

to transform open areas into places of beauty and recreation.

We will seek legal power to prevent pollution of our air and water before

it happens. We will step up our effort to control harmful wastes, giving

first priority to the cleanup of our most contaminated rivers. We will

increase research to learn much more about the control of pollution.

We hope to make the Potomac a model of beauty here in the Capital, and

preserve unspoiled stretches of some of our waterways with a Wild Rivers

bill.

More ideas for a beautiful America will emerge from a White House

Conference on Natural Beauty which I will soon call.

Art and Science

We must also recognize and encourage those who can be

pathfinders for the Nation's imagination and understanding.

To help promote and honor creative achievements, I will propose a National

Foundation on the Arts.

To develop knowledge which will enrich our lives and ensure our progress, I

will recommend programs to encourage basic science, particularly in the

universities--and to bring closer the day when the oceans will supply our

growing need for fresh water.

For government to serve these goals it must be modern in structure,

efficient in action, and ready for any emergency.

I am busy, currently, reviewing the structure of the entire executive

branch of this Government. I hope to reshape it and to reorganize it to

meet more effectively the tasks of the 20th century.

Wherever waste is found, I will eliminate it.

Last year we saved almost $3,500 million by eliminating waste in the

National Government.

And I intend to do better this year.

And very soon I will report to you on our progress and on new economies

that your Government plans to make.

Even the best of government is subject to the worst of hazards.

I will propose laws to insure the necessary continuity of leadership should

the President become disabled or die.

In addition, I will propose reforms in the electoral college--leaving

undisturbed the vote by States--but making sure that no elector can

substitute his will for that of the people.

Last year, in a sad moment, I came here and I spoke to you after 33 years

of public service, practically all of them here on this Hill.

This year I speak after 1 year as President of the United States.

Many of you in this Chamber are among my oldest friends. We have shared

many happy moments and many hours of work, and we have watched many

Presidents together. Yet, only in the White House can you finally know the

full weight of this Office.

The greatest burden is not running the huge operations of government--or

meeting daily troubles, large and small--or even working with the

Congress.

A President's hardest task is not to do what is right, but to know what is

right.

Yet the Presidency brings no special gift of prophecy or foresight. You

take an oath, you step into an office, and you must then help guide a great

democracy.

The answer was waiting for me in the land where I was born.

It was once barren land. The angular hills were covered with scrub cedar

and a few large live oaks. Little would grow in that harsh caliche soil of

my country. And each spring the Pedernales River would flood our valley.

But men came and they worked and they endured and they built.

And tonight that country is abundant; abundant with fruit and cattle and

goats and sheep, and there are pleasant homes and lakes and the floods are

gone.

Why did men come to that once forbidding land?

Well, they were restless, of course, and they had to be moving on. But

there was more than that. There was a dream--a dream of a place where a

free man could build for himself, and raise his children to a better

life--a dream of a continent to be conquered, a world to be won, a nation

to be made.

Remembering this, I knew the answer.

A President does not shape a new and personal vision of America.

He collects it from the scattered hopes of the American past.

It existed when the first settlers saw the coast of a new world, and when

the first pioneers moved westward.

It has guided us every step of the way.

It sustains every President. But it is also your inheritance and it belongs

equally to all the people that we all serve.

It must be interpreted anew by each generation for its own needs; as I have

tried, in part, to do tonight.

It shall lead us as we enter the third century of the search for a more

perfect union?

This, then, is the state of the Union: Free and restless, growing and full

of hope.

So it was in the beginning.

So it shall always be, while God is willing, and we are strong enough to

keep the faith.

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