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President[ Zachary Taylor

         Date[ December 4, 1849

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this Government, and

the Congress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an

empire of freemen. The predictions of evil prophets, who formerly pretended

to foretell the downfall of our institutions, are now remembered only to be

derided, and the United States of America at this moment present to the

world the most stable and permanent Government on earth.

Such is the result of the labors of those who have gone before us. Upon

Congress will eminently depend the future maintenance of our system of free

government and the transmission of it unimpaired to posterity.

We are at peace with all the other nations of the world, and seek to

maintain our cherished relations of amity with them. During the past year

we have been blessed by a kind Providence with an abundance of the fruits

of the earth, and although the destroying angel for a time visited

extensive portions of our territory with the ravages of a dreadful

pestilence, yet the Almighty has at length deigned to stay his hand and to

restore the inestimable blessing of general health to a people who have

acknowledged His power, deprecated His wrath, and implored His merciful

protection.

While enjoying the benefits of amicable intercourse with foreign nations,

we have not been insensible to the distractions and wars which have

prevailed in other quarters of the world. It is a proper theme of

thanksgiving to Him who rules the destinies of nations that we have been

able to maintain amidst all these contests an independent and neutral

position toward all belligerent powers.

Our relations with Great Britain are of the most friendly character. In

consequence of the recent alteration of the British navigation acts,

British vessels, from British and other foreign ports, will under our

existing laws, after the 1st day of January next, be admitted to entry in

our ports with cargoes of the growth, manufacture, or production of any

part of the world on the same terms as to duties, imposts, and charges as

vessels of the United States with their cargoes, and our vessels will be

admitted to the same advantages in British ports, entering therein on the

same terms as British vessels. Should no order in council disturb this

legislative arrangement, the late act of the British Parliament, by which

Great Britain is brought within the terms proposed by the act of Congress

of the 1st of March, 1817, it is hoped will be productive of benefit to

both countries.

A slight interruption of diplomatic intercourse which occurred between this

Government and France, I am happy to say, has been terminated, and our

minister there has been received. It is therefore unnecessary to refer now

to the circumstances which led to that interruption. I need not express to

you the sincere satisfaction with which we shall welcome the arrival of

another envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from a sister

Republic to which we have so long been, and still remain, bound by the

strongest ties of amity.

Shortly after I had entered upon the discharge of the Executive duties I

was apprised that a war steamer belonging to the German Empire was being

fitted out in the harbor of New York with the aid of some of our naval

officers, rendered under the permission of the late Secretary of the Navy.

This permission was granted during an armistice between that Empire and the

Kingdom of Denmark, which had been engaged in the Schleswig-Holstein war.

Apprehensive that this act of intervention on our part might be viewed as a

violation of our neutral obligations incurred by the treaty with Denmark

and of the provisions of the act of Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, I

directed that no further aid should be rendered by any agent or officer of

the Navy; and I instructed the Secretary of State to apprise the minister

of the German Empire accredited to this Government of my determination to

execute the law of the United States and to maintain the faith of treaties

with all nations. The correspondence which ensued between the Department of

State and the minister of the German Empire is herewith laid before you.

The execution of the law and the observance of the treaty were deemed by me

to be due to the honor of the country, as well as to the sacred obligations

of the Constitution. I shall not fail to pursue the same course should a

similar case arise with any other nation. Having avowed the opinion on

taking the oath of office that in disputes between conflicting foreign

governments it is our interest not less than our duty to remain strictly

neutral, I shall not abandon it. You will perceive from the correspondence

submitted to you in connection with this subject that the course adopted in

this case has been properly regarded by the belligerent powers interested

in the matter.

Although a minister of the United States to the German Empire was appointed

by my predecessor in August, 1848, and has for a long time been in

attendance at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and although a minister appointed to

represent that Empire was received and accredited here, yet no such

government as that of the German Empire has been definitively constituted.

Mr. Donelson, our representative at Frankfort, remained there several

months in the expectation that a union of the German States under one

constitution or form of government might at length be organized. It is

believed by those well acquainted with the existing relations between

Prussia and the States of Germany that no such union can be permanently

established without her cooperation. In the event of the formation of such

a union and the organization of a central power in Germany of which she

should form a part, it would become necessary to withdraw our minister at

Berlin; but while Prussia exists as an independent kingdom and diplomatic

relations are maintained with her there can be no necessity for the

continuance of the mission to Frankfort. I have therefore recalled Mr.

Donelson and directed the archives of the legation at Frankfort to be

transferred to the American legation at Berlin.

Having been apprised that a considerable number of adventurers were engaged

in fitting out a, military expedition within the United States against a

foreign country, and believing from the best information I could obtain

that it was destined to invade the island of Cuba, I deemed it due to the

friendly relations existing between the United States and Spain, to the

treaty between the two nations, to the laws of the United States, and,

above all, to the American honor to exert the lawful authority of this

Government in suppressing the expedition and preventing the invasion. To

this end I issued a proclamation enjoining it upon the officers of the

United States, civil and military, to use all lawful means within their

power. A copy of that proclamation is herewith submitted. The expedition

has been suppressed. So long as the act of Congress of the 20th of April,

1818, which owes its existence to the law of nations and to the policy of

Washington himself, shall remain on our statute books, I hold it to be the

duty of the Executive faithfully to obey its injunctions.

While this expedition was in progress I was informed that a foreigner who

claimed our protection had been clandestinely and, as was supposed,

forcibly carried off in a vessel from New Orleans to the island of Cuba. I

immediately caused such steps to be taken as I thought necessary, in case

the information I had received should prove correct, to vindicate the honor

of the country and the right of every person seeking an asylum on our soil

to the protection of our laws. The person alleged to have been abducted was

promptly restored, and the circumstances of the case are now about to

undergo investigation before a judicial tribunal. I would respectfully

suggest that although the crime charged to have been committed in this case

is held odious, as being in conflict with our opinions on the subject of

national sovereignty and personal freedom, there is no prohibition of it or

punishment for it provided in any act of Congress. The expediency of

supplying this defect in our criminal code is therefore recommended to your

consideration.

I have scrupulously avoided any interference in the wars and contentions

which have recently distracted Europe. During the late conflict between

Austria and Hungary there seemed to be a prospect that the latter might

become an independent nation. However faint that prospect at the time

appeared, I thought it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment of

the American people, who deeply sympathized with the Magyar patriots, to

stand prepared, upon the contingency of the establishment by her of a

permanent government, to be the first to welcome independent Hungary into

the family of nations. For this purpose I invested an agent then in Europe

with power to declare our willingness promptly to recognize her

independence in the event of her ability to sustain it. The powerful

intervention of Russia in the contest extinguished the hopes of the

struggling Magyars. The United States did not at any time interfere in the

contest, but the feelings of the nation were strongly enlisted in the

cause, and by the sufferings of a brave people, who had made a gallant,

though unsuccessful, effort to be free.

Our claims upon Portugal have been during the past year prosecuted with

renewed vigor, and it has been my object to employ every effort of

honorable diplomacy to procure their adjustment. Our late charge d'affaires

at Lisbon, the Hon. George W. Hopkins, made able and energetic, but

unsuccessful, efforts to settle these unpleasant matters of controversy and

to obtain indemnity for the wrongs which were the subjects of complaint.

Our present charge d'affaires at that Court will also bring to the

prosecution of these claims ability and zeal. The revolutionary and

distracted condition of Portugal in past times has been represented as one

of the leading causes of her delay in indemnifying our suffering citizens.

But I must now say it is matter of profound regret that these claims have

not yet been settled. The omission of Portugal to do justice to the

American claimants has now assumed a character so grave and serious that I

shall shortly make it the subject of a special message to Congress, with a

view to such ultimate action as its wisdom and patriotism may suggest.

With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands,

and the Italian States we still maintain our accustomed amicable

relations.

During the recent revolutions in the Papal States our charge d'affaires at

Rome has been unable to present his letter of credence, which, indeed, he

was directed by my predecessor to withhold until he should receive further

orders. Such was the unsettled condition of things in those States that it

was not deemed expedient to give him any instructions on the subject of

presenting his credential letter different from those with which he had

been furnished by the late Administration until the 25th of June last,

when, in consequence of the want of accurate information of the exact state

of things at that distance from us, he was instructed to exercise his own

discretion in presenting himself to the then existing Government if in his

judgment sufficiently stable, or, if not, to await further events. Since

that period Rome has undergone another revolution, and he abides the

establishment of a government sufficiently permanent to justify him in

opening diplomatic intercourse with it.

With the Republic of Mexico it is our true policy to cultivate the most

friendly relations. Since the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe

Hidalgo nothing has occurred of a serious character to disturb them. A

faithful observance of the treaty and a sincere respect for her rights can

not fail to secure the lasting confidence and friendship of that Republic.

The message of my predecessor to the House of Representatives of the 8th of

February last, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of that body,

a copy of a paper called a protocol, signed at Queretaro on the 30th of

May, 1848, by the commissioners of the United States and the minister of

foreign affairs of the Mexican Government, having been a subject of

correspondence between the Department of State and the envoy extraordinary

and minister plenipotentiary of that Republic accredited to this

Government, a transcript of that correspondence is herewith submitted.

The commissioner on the part of the United States for marking the boundary

between the two Republics, though delayed in reaching San Diego by

unforeseen obstacles, arrived at that place within a short period after the

time required by the treaty, and was there joined by the commissioner on

the part of Mexico. They entered upon their duties, and at the date of the

latest intelligence from that quarter some progress had been made in the

survey. The expenses incident to the organization of the commission and to

its conveyance to the point where its operations were to begin have so much

reduced the fund appropriated by Congress that a further sum, to cover the

charges which must be incurred during the present fiscal year, will be

necessary. The great length of frontier along which the boundary extends,

the nature of the adjacent territory, and the difficulty of obtaining

supplies except at or near the extremes of the line render it also

indispensable that a liberal provision should be made to meet the necessary

charges during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1851. I

accordingly recommend this subject to your attention.

In the adjustment of the claims of American citizens on Mexico, provided

for by the late treaty, the employment of counsel on the part of the

Government may become important for the purpose of assisting the

commissioners in protecting the interests of the United States. I recommend

this subject to the early and favorable consideration of Congress.

Complaints have been made in regard to the inefficiency of the means

provided by the Government of New Granada for transporting the United

States mail across the Isthmus of Panama, pursuant to our postal convention

with that Republic of the 6th of March, 1844. Our charge d'affaires at

Bogota has been directed to make such representations to the Government of

New Granada as will, it is hoped, lead to a prompt removal of this cause of

complaint.

The sanguinary civil war with which the Republic of Venezuela has for some

time past been ravaged has been brought to a close. In its progress the

rights of some of our citizens resident or trading there have been

violated. The restoration of order will afford the Venezuelan Government an

opportunity to examine and redress these grievances and others of longer

standing which our representatives at Caracas have hitherto ineffectually

urged upon the attention of that Government.

The extension of the coast of the United States on the Pacific and the

unexampled rapidity with which the inhabitants of California especially are

increasing in numbers have imparted new consequence to our relations with

the other countries whose territories border upon that ocean. It is

probable that the intercourse between those countries and our possessions

in that quarter, particularly with the Republic of Chili, will become

extensive and mutually advantageous in proportion as California and Oregon

shall increase in population and wealth. It is desirable, therefore, that

this Government should do everything in its power to foster and strengthen

its relations with those States, and that the spirit of amity between us

should be mutual and cordial.

I recommend the observance of the same course toward all other American

States. The United States stand as the great American power, to which, as

their natural ally and friend, they will always be disposed first to look

for mediation and assistance in the event of any collision between them and

any European nation. As such we may often kindly mediate in their behalf

without entangling ourselves in foreign wars or unnecessary controversies.

Whenever the faith of our treaties with any of them shall require our

interference, we must necessarily interpose.

A convention has been negotiated with Brazil providing for the satisfaction

of American claims on that Government, and it will be submitted to the

Senate. Since the last session of Congress we have received an envoy

extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from that Empire, and our

relations with it are rounded upon the most amicable understanding.

Your attention is earnestly invited to an amendment of our existing laws

relating to the African slave trade with a view to the effectual

suppression of that barbarous traffic. It is not to be denied that this

trade is still in part carried on by means of vessels built in the United

States and owned or navigated by some of our citizens. The correspondence

between the Department of State and the minister and consul of the United

States at Rio de Janeiro, which has from time to time been laid before

Congress, represents that it is a customary device to evade the penalties

of our laws by means of sea letters. Vessels sold in Brazil, when provided

with such papers by the consul, instead of returning to the United States

for a new register proceed at once to the coast of Africa for the purpose

of obtaining cargoes of slaves. Much additional information of the same

character has recently been transmitted to the Department of State. It has

not been considered the policy of our laws to subject an American citizen

who in a foreign country purchases a vessel built in the United States to

the inconvenience of sending her home for a new register before permitting

her to proceed on a voyage. Any alteration of the laws which might have a

tendency to impede the free transfer of property in vessels between our

citizens, or the free navigation of those vessels between different parts

of the world when employed in lawful commerce, should be well and

cautiously considered; but I trust that your wisdom will devise a method by

which our general policy in this respect may be preserved, and at the same

time the abuse of our flag by means of sea letters, in the manner

indicated, may be prevented.

Having ascertained that there is no prospect of the reunion of the five

States of Central America which formerly composed the Republic of that

name, we have separately negotiated with some of them treaties of amity and

commerce, which will be laid before the Senate.

A contract having been concluded with the State of Nicaragua by a company

composed of American citizens for the purpose of constructing a ship canal

through the territory of that State to connect the Atlantic and Pacific

oceans, I have directed the negotiation of a treaty with Nicaragua pledging

both Governments to protect those who shall engage in and perfect the work.

All other nations are invited by the State of Nicaragua to enter into the

same treaty stipulations with her; and the benefit to be derived by each

from such an arrangement will be the protection of this great interoceanic

communication against any power which might seek to obstruct it or to

monopolize its advantages. All States entering into such a treaty will

enjoy the right of passage through the canal on payment of the same tolls.

The work, if constructed under these guaranties, will become a bond of

peace instead of a subject of contention and strife between the nations of

the earth. Should the great maritime States of Europe consent to this

arrangement (and we have no reason to suppose that a proposition so fair

and honorable will be opposed by any), the energies of their people and

ours will cooperate in promoting the success of the enterprise. I do not

recommend any appropriation from the National Treasury for this purpose,

nor do I believe that such an appropriation is necessary. Private

enterprise, if properly protected, will complete the work should it prove

to be feasible. The parties who have procured the charter from Nicaragua

for its construction desire no assistance from this Government beyond its

protection; and they profess that, having examined the proposed line of

communication, they will be ready to commence the undertaking whenever that

protection shall be extended to them. Should there appear to be reason, on

examining the whole evidence, to entertain a serious doubt of the

practicability of constructing such a canal, that doubt could be speedily

solved by an actual exploration of the route.

Should such a work be constructed under the common protection of all

nations, for equal benefits to all, it would be neither just nor expedient

that any great maritime state should command the communication. The

territory through which the canal may be opened ought to be freed from the

claims of any foreign power. No such power should occupy a position that

would enable it hereafter to exercise so controlling an influence over the

commerce of the world or to obstruct a highway which ought to be dedicated

to the common uses of mankind.

The routes across the Isthmus at Tehuantepec and Panama are also worthy of

our serious consideration.. They did not fail to engage the attention of my

predecessor. The negotiator of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was

instructed to offer a very large sum of money for the right of transit

across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The Mexican Government did not accede to

the proposition for the purchase of the right of way, probably because it

had already contracted with private individuals for the construction of a

passage from the Guasacualco River to Tehuantepec. I shall not renew any

proposition to purchase for money a right which ought to be equally secured

to all nations on payment of a reasonable toll to the owners of the

improvement, who would doubtless be well contented with that compensation

and the guaranties of the maritime states of the world in separate treaties

negotiated with Mexico, binding her and them to protect those who should

construct the work. Such guaranties would do more to secure the completion

of the communication through the territory of Mexico than any other

reasonable consideration that could be offered; and as Mexico herself would

be the greatest gainer by the opening of this communication between the

Gulf and the Pacific Ocean, it is presumed that she would not hesitate to

yield her aid in the manner proposed to accomplish an improvement so

important to her own best interests.

We have reason to hope that the proposed railroad across the Isthmus at

Panama will be successfully constructed under the protection of the late

treaty with New Granada, ratified and exchanged by my predecessor on the

10th day of June, 1848, which guarantees the perfect neutrality of the

Isthmus and the rights of sovereignty and property of New Granada over that

territory, "with a view that the free transit from ocean to ocean may not

be interrupted or embarrassed" during the existence of the treaty. It is

our policy to encourage every practicable route across the isthmus which

connects North and South America, either by railroad or canal, which the

energy and enterprise of our citizens may induce them to complete, and I

consider it obligatory upon me to adopt that policy, especially in

consequence of the absolute necessity of facilitating intercourse with our

possessions on the Pacific.

The position of the Sandwich Islands with reference to the territory of the

United States on the Pacific, the success of our persevering and benevolent

citizens who have repaired to that remote quarter in Christianizing the

natives and inducing them to adopt a system of government and laws suited

to their capacity and wants, and the use made by our numerous whale ships

of the harbors of the islands as places of resort for obtaining

refreshments and repairs all combine to render their destiny peculiarly

interesting to us. It is our duty to encourage the authorities of those

islands in their efforts to improve and elevate the moral and political

condition of the inhabitants, and we should make reasonable allowances for

the difficulties inseparable from this task. We desire that the islands may

maintain their independence and that other nations should concur with us in

this sentiment. We could in no event be indifferent to their passing under

the dominion of any other power. The principal commercial states have in

this a common interest, and it is to be hoped that no one of them will

attempt to interpose obstacles to the entire independence of the islands.

The receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of

June last were, in cash, $48,830,097.50, and in Treasury notes funded

$10,833,000, making an aggregate of $59,663,097.50; and the expenditures

for the same time were, in cash, $46,798,667.82, and in Treasury notes

funded $10,833,000, making an aggregate of $57,631,667.82.

The accounts and estimates which will be submitted to Congress in the

report of the Secretary of the Treasury show that there will probably be a

deficit occasioned by the expenses of the Mexican War and treaty on the 1st

day of July next of $5,828,121.66, and on the 1st day of July, 1851, of

$10,547,092.73, making in the whole a probable deficit to be provided for

of $16,375,214.39. The extraordinary expenses of the war with Mexico and

the purchase of California and New Mexico exceed in amount this deficit,

together with the loans heretofore made for those objects. I therefore

recommend that authority be given to borrow what ever sum may be necessary

to cover that deficit. I recommend the observance of strict economy in the

appropriation and expenditure of public money.

I recommend a revision of the existing tariff and its adjustment on a basis

which may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of Congress

to encourage domestic industry, which is the great source of national as

well as individual wealth and prosperity. I look to the wisdom and

patriotism of Congress for the adoption of a system which may place home

labor at last on a sure and permanent footing and by due encouragement of

manufactures give a new and increased stimulus to agriculture and promote

the development of our vast resources and the extension of our commerce.

Believing that to the attainment of these ends, as well as the necessary

augmentation of the revenue and the prevention of frauds, a system of

specific duties is best adapted, I strongly recommend to Congress the

adoption of that system, fixing the duties at rates high enough to afford

substantial and sufficient encouragement to our own industry and at the

same time so adjusted as to insure stability.

The question of the continuance of the subtreasury system is respectfully

submitted to the wisdom of Congress. If continued, important modifications

of it appear to be indispensable.

For further details and views on the above and other matters connected with

commerce, the finances, and revenue I refer to the report of the Secretary

of the Treasury.

No direct aid has been given by the General Government to the improvement

of agriculture except by the expenditure of small sums for the collection

and publication of agricultural statistics and for some chemical analyses,

which have been thus far paid for out of the patent fund. This aid is, in

my opinion, wholly inadequate. To give to this leading branch of American

industry the encouragement which it merits, I respectfully recommend the

establishment of an agricultural bureau, to be connected with the

Department of the Interior. To elevate the social condition of the

agriculturist, to increase his prosperity, and to extend his means of

usefulness to his country, by multiplying his sources of information,

should be the study of every statesman and a primary object with every

legislator.

No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the

people of that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political

condition, recently met in convention for the purpose of forming a

constitution and State government, which the latest advices give me reason

to suppose has been accomplished; and it is believed they will shortly

apply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign State.

Should such be the case, and should their constitution be conformable to

the requisitions of the Constitution of the United States, I recommend

their application to the favorable consideration of Congress. The people of

New Mexico will also, it is believed, at no very distant period present

themselves for admission into the Union. Preparatory to the admission of

California and New Mexico the people of each will have instituted for

themselves a republican form of government, "laying its foundation in such

principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem

most likely to effect their safety and happiness." By awaiting their action

all causes of uneasiness may be avoided and confidence and kind feeling

preserved. With a view of maintaining the harmony and tranquillity so dear

to all, we should abstain from the introduction of those exciting topics of

a sectional character which have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in

the public mind; and I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most

illustrious of my predecessors against furnishing "any ground for

characterizing parties by geographical discriminations."

A collector has been appointed at San Francisco under the act of Congress

extending the revenue laws over California, and measures have been taken to

organize the custom-houses at that and the other ports mentioned in that

act at the earliest period practicable. The collector proceeded overland,

and advices have not yet been received of his arrival at San Francisco.

Meanwhile, it is understood that the customs have continued to be collected

there by officers acting under the military authority, as they were during

the Administration of my predecessor. It will, I think, be expedient to

confirm the collections thus made, and direct the avails (after such

allowances as Congress may think fit to authorize) to be expended within

the Territory or to be paid into the Treasury for the purpose of meeting

appropriations for the improvement of its rivers and harbors.

A party engaged on the coast survey was dispatched to Oregon in January

last. According to the latest advices, they had not left California; and

directions have been given to them, as soon as they shall have fixed on the

sites of the two light-houses and the buoys authorized to be constructed

and placed in Oregon, to proceed without delay to make reconnaissance of

the most important points on the coast of California, and especially to

examine and determine on sites for light-houses on that coast, the speedy

erection of which is urgently demanded by our rapidly increasing commerce.

I have transferred the Indian agencies from upper Missouri and Council

Bluffs to Santa Fe and Salt Lake, and have caused to be appointed subagents

in the valleys of the Gila, the Sacramento, and the San Joaquin rivers.

Still further legal provisions will be necessary for the effective and

successful extension of our system of Indian intercourse over the new

territories.

I recommend the establishment of a branch mint in California, as it will,

in my opinion, afford important facilities to those engaged in mining, as

well as to the Government in the disposition of the mineral lands.

I also recommend that commissions be organized by Congress to examine and

decide upon the validity of the present subsisting land titles in

California and New Mexico, and that provision be made for the establishment

of offices of surveyor-general in New Mexico, California, and Oregon and

for the surveying and bringing into market the public lands in those

Territories. Those lands, remote in position and difficult of access, ought

to be disposed of on terms liberal to all, but especially favorable to the

early emigrants.

In order that the situation and character of the principal mineral deposits

in California may be ascertained, I recommend that a geological and

mineralogical exploration be connected with the linear surveys, and that

the mineral lands be divided into small lots suitable for mining and be

disposed of by sale or lease, so as to give our citizens an opportunity of

procuring a permanent right of property in the soil. This would seem to be

as important to the success of mining as of agricultural pursuits.

The great mineral wealth of California and the advantages which its ports

and harbors and those of Oregon afford to commerce, especially with the

islands of the Pacific and Indian oceans and the populous regions of

eastern Asia, make it certain that there will arise in a few years large

and prosperous communities on our western coast. It therefore becomes

important that a line of communication, the best and most expeditious which

the nature of the country will admit, should be opened within the territory

of the United States from the navigable waters of the Atlantic or the Gulf

of Mexico to the Pacific. Opinion, as elicited and expressed by two large

and respectable conventions lately assembled at St. Louis and Memphis,

points to a railroad as that which, if practicable, will best meet the

wishes and wants of the country. But while this, if in successful

operation, would be a work of great national importance and of a value to

the country which it would be difficult to estimate, it ought also to be

regarded as an undertaking of vast magnitude and expense, and one which

must, if it be indeed practicable, encounter many difficulties in its

construction and use. Therefore, to avoid failure and disappointment; to

enable Congress to judge whether in the condition of the country through

which it must pass the work be feasible, and, if it be found so, whether it

should be undertaken as a national improvement or left to individual

enterprise, and in the latter alternative what aid, if any, ought to be

extended to it by the Government, I recommend as a preliminary measure a

careful reconnaissance of the several proposed routes by a scientific corps

and a report as to the practicability of making such a road, with an

estimate of the cost of its construction and support.

For further views on these and other matters connected with the duties of

the home department I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the

Interior.

I recommend early appropriations for continuing the river and harbor

improvements which have been already begun, and also for the construction

of those for which estimates have been made, as well as for examinations

and estimates preparatory to the commencement of such others as the wants

of the country, and especially the advance of our population over new

districts and the extension of commerce, may render necessary. An estimate

of the amount which can be advantageously expended within the next fiscal

year under the direction of the Bureau of Topographical Engineers

accompanies the report of the Secretary of War, to which I respectfully

invite the attention of Congress.

The cession of territory made by the late treaty with Mexico has greatly

extended our exposed frontier and rendered its defense more difficult. That

treaty has also brought us under obligations to Mexico, to comply with

which a military force is requisite. But our military establishment is not

materially changed as to its efficiency from the condition in which it

stood before the commencement of the Mexican War. Some addition to it will

therefore be necessary, and I recommend to the favorable consideration of

Congress an increase of the several corps of the Army at our distant

Western posts, as proposed in the accompanying report of the Secretary of

War.

Great embarrassment has resulted from the effect upon rank in the Army

heretofore given to brevet and staff commissions. The views of the

Secretary of War on this subject are deemed important, and if carried into

effect will, it is believed, promote the harmony of the service. The plan

proposed for retiring disabled officers and providing an asylum for such of

the rank and file as from age, wounds, and other infirmities occasioned by

service have become unfit to perform their respective duties is recommended

as a means of increasing the efficiency of the Army and as an act of

justice due from a grateful country to the faithful soldier.

The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a full and

satisfactory account of the condition and operations of the naval service

during the past year. Our citizens engaged in the legitimate pursuits of

commerce have enjoyed its benefits. Wherever our national vessels have gone

they have been received with respect, our officers have been treated with

kindness and courtesy, and they have on all occasions pursued a course of

strict neutrality, in accordance with the policy of our Government.

The naval force at present in commission is as large as is admissible with

the number of men authorized by Congress to be employed.

I invite your attention to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy

on the subject of a reorganization of the Navy in its various grades of

officers, and the establishing of a retired list for such of the officers

as are disqualified for active and effective service. Should Congress adopt

some such measure as is recommended, it will greatly increase the

efficiency of the Navy and reduce its expenditures.

I also ask your attention to the views expressed by him in reference to the

employment of war steamers and in regard to the contracts for the

transportation of the United States mails and the operation of the system

upon the prosperity of the Navy.

By an act of Congress passed August 14, 1848, provision was made for

extending post-office and mail accommodations to California and Oregon.

Exertions have been made to execute that law, but the limited provisions of

the act, the inadequacy of the means it authorizes, the ill adaptation of

our post-office laws to the situation of that country, and the measure of

compensation for services allowed by those laws, compared with the prices

of labor and rents in California, render those exertions in a great degree

ineffectual. More particular and efficient provision by law is required on

this subject.

The act of 1845 reducing postage has now, by its operation during four

years, produced results fully showing that the income from such reduced

postage is sufficient to sustain the whole expense of the service of the

Post-Office Department, not including the cost of transportation in mail

steamers on the lines from New York to Chagres and from Panama to Astoria,

which have not been considered by Congress as properly belonging to the

mail service.

It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress whether a further reduction of

postage should not now be made, more particularly on the letter

correspondence. This should be relieved from the unjust burden of

transporting and delivering the franked matter of Congress, for which

public service provision should be made from the Treasury. I confidently

believe that a change may safely be made reducing all single letter postage

to the uniform rate of 5 cents, regardless of distance, without thereby

imposing any greater tax on the Treasury than would constitute a very

moderate compensation for this public service; and I therefore respectfully

recommend such a reduction. Should Congress prefer to abolish the franking

privilege entirely, it seems probable that no demand on the Treasury would

result from the proposed reduction of postage. Whether any further

diminution should now be made, or the result of the reduction to 5 cents,

which I have recommended, should be first tested, is submitted to your

decision.

Since the commencement of the last session of Congress a postal treaty with

Great Britain has been received and ratified, and such relations have been

formed by the post-office departments of the two countries in pursuance of

that treaty as to carry its provisions into full operation. The attempt to

extend this same arrangement through England to France has not been equally

successful, but the purpose has not been abandoned.

For a particular statement of the condition of the Post-Office Department

and other matters connected with that branch of the public service I refer

you to the report of the Postmaster-General.

By the act of the 3d of March, 1849, a board was constituted to make

arrangements for taking the Seventh Census, composed of the Secretary of

State, the Attorney-General, and the Postmaster-General; and it was made

the duty of this board "to prepare and cause to be printed such forms and

schedules as might be necessary for the full enumeration of the inhabitants

of the United States, and also proper forms and schedules for collecting in

statistical tables, under proper heads, such information as to mines,

agriculture, commerce, manufactures, education, and other topics as would

exhibit a full view of the pursuits, industry, education, and resources of

the country." The duties enjoined upon the census board thus established

having been performed, it now rests with Congress to enact a law for

carrying into effect the provision of the Constitution which requires an

actual enumeration of the people of the United States within the ensuing

year.

Among the duties assigned by the Constitution to the General Government is

one of local and limited application, but not on that account the less

obligatory. I allude to the trust committed to Congress as the exclusive

legislator and sole guardian of the interests of the District of Columbia.

I beg to commend these interests to your kind attention. As the national

metropolis the city of Washington must be an object of general interest;

and founded, as it was, under the auspices of him whose immortal name it

bears, its claims to the fostering care of Congress present themselves with

additional strength. Whatever can contribute to its prosperity must enlist

the feelings of its constitutional guardians and command their favorable

consideration.

Our Government is one of limited powers, and its successful administration

eminently depends on the confinement of each of its coordinate branches

within its own appropriate sphere. The first section of the Constitution

ordains that--

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the

United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of

Representatives.

The Executive has authority to recommend (not to dictate) measures to

Congress. Having performed that duty, the executive department of the

Government can not rightfully control the decision of Congress on any

subject of legislation until that decision shall have been officially

submitted to the President for approval. The check provided by the

Constitution in the clause conferring the qualified veto will never be

exercised by me except in the cases contemplated by the fathers of the

Republic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be resorted to only in

extraordinary cases, as where it may become necessary to defend the

executive against the encroachments of the legislative power or to prevent

hasty and inconsiderate or unconstitutional legislation. By cautiously

confining this remedy within the sphere prescribed to it in the

contemporaneous expositions of the framers of the Constitution, the will of

the people, legitimately expressed on all subjects of legislation through

their constitutional organs, the Senators and Representatives of the United

States, will have its full effect. As indispensable to the preservation of

our system of self-government, the independence of the representatives of

the States and the people is guaranteed by the Constitution, and they owe

no responsibility to any human power but their constituents. By holding the

representative responsible only to the people, and exempting him from all

other influences, we elevate the character of the constituent and quicken

his sense of responsibility to his country. It is under these circumstances

only that the elector can feel that in the choice of the lawmaker he is

himself truly a component part of the sovereign power of the nation. With

equal care we should study to defend the rights of the executive and

judicial departments. Our Government can only be preserved in its purity by

the suppression and entire elimination of every claim or tendency of one

coordinate branch to encroachment upon another. With the strict observance

of this rule and the other injunctions of the Constitution, with a sedulous

inculcation of that respect and love for the Union of the States which our

fathers cherished and enjoined upon their children, and with the aid of

that overruling Providence which has so long and so kindly guarded our

liberties and institutions, we may reasonably expect to transmit them, with

their innumerable blessings, to the remotest posterity.

But attachment to the Union of the States should be habitually fostered in

every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms

and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who

formed it have long since descended to the grave; yet still it remains, the

proudest monument to their memory and the object of affection and

admiration with everyone worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment

its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to avert that

should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend

our own happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever

dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it and maintain it in its

integrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the powers

conferred upon me by the Constitution.

Z. TAYLOR.

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