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President[ Andrew Jackson

         Date[ December 3, 1833


Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:


On your assembling to perform the high trusts which the people of the

United States have confided to you, of legislating for their common

welfare, it gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon the happy

condition of our beloved country. By the favor of Divine Providence

health is again restored to us, peace reigns within our borders,

abundance crowns the labors of our fields, commerce and domestic

industry flourish and increase, and individual happiness rewards the

private virtue and enterprise of our citizens.


Our condition abroad is no less honorable than it is prosperous at

home. Seeking nothing that is not right and determined to submit to

nothing that is wrong, but desiring honest friendships and liberal

intercourse with all nations, the United States have gained throughout

the world the confidence and respect which are due to a policy so just

and so congenial to the character of the American people and to the

spirit of their institutions.


In bringing to your notice the particular state of our foreign affairs,

it affords me high gratification to inform you that they are in a

condition which promises the continuance of friendship with all

nations.


With Great Britain the interesting question of our North East boundary

remains still undecided. A negotiation, however, upon that subject has

been renewed since the close of the last Congress, and a proposition

has been submitted to the British Government with the view of

establishing, in conformity with the resolution of the Senate, the line

designated by the treaty of 1783. Though no definitive answer has been

received, it may be daily looked for, and I entertain a hope that the

overture may ultimately lead to a satisfactory adjustment of this

important matter.


I have the satisfaction to inform you that a negotiation which, by

desire of the House of Representatives, was opened some years ago with

the British Government, for the erection of light houses on the

Bahamas, has been successful. Those works, when completed, together

with those which the United States have constructed on the western side

of the Gulf of Florida, will contribute essentially to the safety of

navigation in that sea. This joint participation in establishments

interesting to humanity and beneficial to commerce is worthy of two

enlightened nations, and indicates feelings which can not fail to have

a happy influence upon their political relations. It is gratifying to

the friends of both to perceive that the intercourse between the two

people is becoming daily more extensive, and that sentiments of mutual

good will have grown up befitting their common origin and justifying

the hope that by wise counsels on each side not only unsettled

questions may be satisfactorily terminated, but new causes of

misunderstanding prevented.


Not withstanding that I continue to receive the most amicable

assurances from the Government of France, and that in all other

respects the most friendly relations exist between the United States

and that Government, it is to be regretted that the stipulations of the

convention concluded on July 4th, 1831 remain in some important parts

unfulfilled.


By the second article of that convention it was stipulated that the sum

payable to the United States should be paid at Paris, in six annual

installments, into the hands of such person or persons as should be

authorized by the Government of the United States to receive it, and by

the same article the first installment was payable on February 2d,

1833. By the act of Congress of July 13th, 1832 it was made the duty of

the Secretary of the Treasury to cause the several installments, with

the interest thereon, to be received from the French Government and

transferred to the United States in such manner as he may deem best;

and by the same act of Congress the stipulations on the part of the

United States in the convention were in all respects fulfilled. Not

doubting that a treaty thus made and ratified by the two Governments,

and faithfully executed by the United States, would be promptly

complied with by the other party, and desiring to avoid the risk and

expense of intermediate agencies, the Secretary of the Treasury deemed

it advisable to receive and transfer the first installment by means of

a draft upon the French minister of finance.


A draft for this purpose was accordingly drawn in favor of the cashier

of the Bank of the United States for the amount accruing to the United

States out of the first installment, and the interest payable with it.

This bill was not drawn at Washington until five days after the

installment was payable at Paris, and was accompanied by a special

authority from the President authorizing the cashier or his assigns to

receive the amount. The mode thus adopted of receiving the installment

was officially made known to the French Government by the American

charge d'affaires at Paris, pursuant to instructions from the

Department of State. The bill, however, though not presented for

payment until March 23d, 1833, was not paid, and for the reason

assigned by the French minister of finance that no appropriation had

been made by the French Chambers. It is not known to me that up to that

period any appropriation had been required of the Chambers, and

although a communication was subsequently made to the Chambers by

direction of the King, recommending that the necessary provision should

be made for carrying the convention into effect, it was at an advanced

period of the session, and the subject was finally postponed until the

next meeting of the Chambers.


Not withstanding it has been supposed by the French ministry that the

financial stipulations of the treaty can not be carried into effect

without an appropriation by the Chambers, it appears to me to be not

only consistent with the character of France, but due to the character

of both Governments, as well as to the rights of our citizens, to treat

the convention, made and ratified in proper form, as pledging the good

faith of the French Government for its execution, and as imposing upon

each department an obligation to fulfill it; and I have received

assurances through our charge d'affaires at Paris and the French

minister plenipotentiary at Washington, and more recently through the

minister of the United States at Paris, that the delay has not

proceeded from any indisposition on the part of the King and his

ministers to fulfill their treaty, and that measures will be presented

at the next meeting of the Chambers, and with a reasonable hope of

success, to obtain the necessary appropriation.


It is necessary to state, however, that the documents, except certain

lists of vessels captured, condemned, or burnt at sea, proper to

facilitate the examination and liquidation of the reclamations

comprised in the stipulations of the convention, and which by the 6th

article France engaged to communicate to the United States by the

intermediary of the legation, though repeatedly applied for by the

American charge d'affaires under instructions from this Government,

have not yet been communicated; and this delay, it is apprehended, will

necessarily prevent the completion of the duties assigned to the

commissioners within the time at present prescribed by law.


The reasons for delaying to communicate these documents have not been

explicitly stated, and this is the more to be regretted as it is not

understood that the interposition of the Chambers is in any manner

required for the delivery of those papers.


Under these circumstances, in a case so important to the interests of

our citizens and to the character of our country, and under

disappointments so unexpected, I deemed it my duty, however I might

respect the general assurances to which I have adverted, no longer to

delay the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary to Paris, but to

dispatch him in season to communicate the result of his application to

the French Government at an early period of your session. I accordingly

appointed a distinguished citizen for this purpose, who proceeded on

his mission in August last and was presented to the King early in the

month of October. He is particularly instructed as to all matters

connected with the present posture of affairs, and I indulge the hope

that with the representations he is instructed to make, and from the

disposition manifested by the King and his ministers in their recent

assurances to our minister at Paris, the subject will be early

considered, and satisfactorily disposed of at the next meeting of the

Chambers.


As this subject involves important interests and has attracted a

considerable share of the public attention, I have deemed it proper to

make this explicit statement of its actual condition, and should I be

disappointed in the hope now entertained the subject will be again

brought to the notice of Congress in such manner as the occasion may

require.


The friendly relations which have always been maintained between the

United States and Russia have been further extended and strengthened by

the treaty of navigation and commerce concluded on December 6th, 1832,

and sanctioned by the Senate before the close of its last session. The

ratifications having been since exchanged, the liberal provisions of

the treaty are now in full force, and under the encouragement which

they have secured a flourishing and increasing commerce, yielding its

benefits to the enterprise of both nations, affords to each the just

recompense of wise measures, and adds new motives for that mutual

friendship which the two countries have hitherto cherished toward each

other.


It affords me peculiar satisfaction to state that the Government of

Spain has at length yielded to the justice of the claims which have

been so long urged in behalf of our citizens, and has expressed a

willingness to provide an indemnification as soon as the proper amount

can be agreed upon. Upon this latter point it is probable an

understanding had taken place between the minister of the United States

and the Spanish Government before the decease of the late King of

Spain; and, unless that event may have delayed its completion, there is

reason to hope that it may be in my power to announce to you early in

your present session the conclusion of a convention upon terms not less

favorable than those entered into for similar objects with other

nations. That act of justice would well accord with the character of

Spain, and is due to the United States from their ancient friend. It

could not fail to strengthen the sentiments of amity and good will

between the two nations which it is so much the wish of the United

States to cherish and so truly the interest of both to maintain.


By the first section of an act of Congress passed on July 13th, 1832

the tonnage duty on Spanish ships arriving from the ports of Spain

previous to October 20th, 1817, being five cents per ton. That act was

intended to give effect on our side to an arrangement made with the

Spanish Government by which discriminating duties of tonnage were to be

abolished in the ports of the United States and Spain on he vessels of

the two nations. Pursuant to that arrangement, which was carried into

effect on the part of Spain on May 20th, 1832, by a royal order dated

April 29th, 1832, American vessels in the ports of Spain have paid five

cents per ton, which rate of duty is also paid in those ports by

Spanish ships; but as American vessels pay no tonnage duty in the ports

of the United States, the duty of five cents payable in our ports by

Spanish vessels under the act above mentioned is really a

discriminating duty, operating to the disadvantage of Spain.


Though no complaint has yet been made on the part of Spain, we are not

the less bound by the obligations of good faith to remove the

discrimination, and I recommend that the act be amended accordingly. As

the royal order above alluded to includes the ports of the Balearic and

Canary islands as well as those of Spain, it would seem that the

provisions of the act of Congress should be equally extensive, and that

for the repayments of such duties as may have been improperly received

an addition should be made to the sum appropriated at the last session

of Congress for refunding discriminating duties.


As the arrangement referred to, however, did not embrace the islands of

Cuba and Puerto Rico, discriminating duties to the prejudice of

American shipping continue to be levied there. From the extent of the

commerce carried on between the United States and those islands,

particularly the former, this discrimination causes serious injury to

one of those great national interests which it has been considered an

essential part of our policy to cherish, and has given rise to

complaints on the part of our merchants. Under instructions given to

our minister at Madrid, earnest representations have been made by him

to the Spanish Government upon this subject, and there is reason to

expect, from the friendly disposition which is entertained toward this

country, that a beneficial change will be produced.


The disadvantage, however, to which our shipping is subjected by the

operation of these discriminating duties requires that they be met by

suitable countervailing duties during your present session, power being

at the same time vested in the President to modify or discontinue them

as the discriminating duties on American vessels or their cargoes may

be modified or discontinued at those islands. Intimations have been

given to the Spanish Government that the United States may be obliged

to resort to such measures as are of necessary self-defense, and there

is no reason to apprehend that it would be unfavorably received. The

proposed proceeding if adopted would not be permitted, however, in any

degree to induce a relaxation in the efforts of our minister to effect

a repeal of this irregularity by friendly negotiation, and it might

serve to give force to his representations by showing the dangers to

which that valuable trade is exposed by the obstructions and burdens

which a system of discriminating and countervailing duties necessarily

produces.


The selection and preparation of the Florida archives for the purpose

of being delivered over to the United States, in conformity with the

royal order as mentioned in my last annual message, though in progress,

has not yet been completed. This delay has been produced partly by

causes which were unavoidable, particularly the prevalence of the

cholera at Havana; but measures have been taken which it is believed

will expedite the delivery of those important records.


Congress were informed at the opening of the last session that "owing,

as was alleged, to embarrassments in the finances of Portugal,

consequent upon the civil war in which that nation was engaged",

payment had been made of only one installment of the amount which the

Portuguese Government had stipulated to pay for indemnifying our

citizens for property illegally captured in the blockade of Terceira.

Since that time a postponement for two years, with interest, of the two

remaining installments was requested by the Portuguese Government, and

as a consideration it offered to stipulate that rice of the United

States should be admitted into Portugal at the same duties as Brazilian

rice. Being satisfied that no better arrangement could be made, my

consent was given, and a royal order of the King of Portugal was

accordingly issued on February 4th, 1833 for the reduction of the duty

on rice of the United States. It would give me great pleasure if in

speaking of that country, in whose prosperity the United States are so

much interested, and with whom a long-subsisting, extensive, and

mutually advantageous commercial intercourse has strengthened the

relation of friendship, I could announce to you the restoration of its

internal tranquillity.


Subsequently to the commencement of the last session of Congress the

final installment payable by Denmark under the convention of March

28th, 1830 was received. The commissioners for examining the claims

have since terminated their labors, and their awards have been paid at

the Treasury as they have been called for. The justice rendered to our

citizens by that Government is thus completed, and a pledge is thereby

afforded for the maintenance of that friendly intercourse becoming the

relations that the two nations mutually bear to each other.


It is satisfactory to inform you that the Danish Government have

recently issued an ordinance by which the commerce with the island of

St. Croix is placed on a more liberal footing than heretofore. This

change can not fail to prove beneficial to the trade between the United

States and that colony, and the advantages likely to flow from it may

lead to greater relaxations in the colonial systems of other nations.


The ratifications of the convention with the King of the two Sicilies

have been duly exchanged, and the commissioners appointed for examining

the claims under it have entered upon the duties assigned to them by

law. The friendship that the interests of the two nations require of

them being now established, it may be hoped that each will enjoy the

benefits which a liberal commerce should yield to both.


A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium

was concluded during the last winter and received the sanction of the

Senate, but the exchange of the ratifications has been hitherto

delayed, in consequence, in the first instance, of some delay in the

reception of the treaty at Brussels, and, subsequently, of the absence

of the Belgian minister of foreign affairs at the important conferences

in which his Government is engaged at London. That treaty does but

embody those enlarged principles of friendly policy which it is

sincerely hoped will always regulate the conduct of the two nations

having such strong motives to maintain amicable relations toward each

other and so sincerely desirous to cherish them.


With all the other European powers with whom the United States have

formed diplomatic relations and with the Sublime Porte the best

understanding prevails. From all I continue to receive assurances of

good will toward the United States--assurances which it gives me no

less pleasure to reciprocate than to receive. With all, the engagements

which have been entered into are fulfilled with good faith on both

sides. Measures have also been taken to enlarge our friendly relations

and extend our commercial intercourse with other States. The system we

have pursued of aiming at no exclusive advantages, of dealing with all

on terms of fair and equal reciprocity, and of adhering scrupulously to

all our engagements is well calculated to give success to efforts

intended to be mutually beneficial.


The wars of which the southern part of this continent was so long the

theater, and which were carried on either by the mother country against

the States which had formerly been her colonies or by the States

against each other, having terminated, and their civil dissensions

having so far subsided as with few exceptions no longer to disturb the

public tranquillity, it is earnestly hoped those States will be able to

employ themselves without interruption in perfecting their

institutions, cultivating the arts of peace, and promoting by wise

councils and able exertions the public and private prosperity which

their patriotic struggles so well entitle them to enjoy.


With those States our relations have under-gone but little change

during the present year. No reunion having yet taken place between the

States which composed the Republic of Colombia, our charge d'affaires

at Bogota has been accredited to the Government of New Grenada, and we

have, therefore, no diplomatic relations with Venezuela and Equator,

except as they may be included in those heretofore formed with the

Colombian Republic.


It is understood that representatives from the three states were about

to assemble at Bogota to confer on the subject of their mutual

interests, particularly that of their union, and if the result should

render it necessary, measures will be taken on our part to preserve

with each that friendship and those liberal commercial connections

which it has been the constant desire of the United States to cultivate

with their sister Republics of this hemisphere. Until the important

question of reunion shall be settled, however, the different matters

which have been under discussion between the United States and the

Republic of Colombia, or either of the States which composed it, are

not likely to be brought to a satisfactory issue.


In consequence of the illness of the charge d'affaires appointed to

Central America at the last session of Congress, he was prevented from

proceeding on his mission until the month of October. It is hoped,

however, that he is by this time at his post, and that the official

intercourse, unfortunately so long interrupted, has been thus renewed

on the part of the two nations so amicably and advantageously connected

by engagements founded on the most enlarged principles of commercial

reciprocity.


It is gratifying to state that since my last annual message some of the

most important claims of our fellow citizens upon the Government of

Brazil have been satisfactorily adjusted, and a reliance is placed on

the friendly dispositions manifested by it that justice will also be

done in others. No new causes of complaint have arisen, and the trade

between the two countries flourishes under the encouragement secured to

it by the liberal provisions of the treaty.


It is cause of regret that, owing, probably, to the civil dissensions

which have occupied the attention of the Mexican Government, the time

fixed by the treaty of limits with the United States for the meeting of

the commissioners to define the boundaries between the two nations has

been suffered to expire without the appointment of any commissioners on

the part of that Government. While the true boundary remains in doubt

by either party it is difficult to give effect to those measures which

are necessary to the protection and quiet of our numerous citizens

residing near that frontier. The subject is one of great solicitude to

the United States, and will not fail to receive my earnest attention.


The treaty concluded with Chili and approved by the Senate at its last

session was also ratified by the Chilian Government, but with certain

additional and explanatory articles of a nature to have required it to

be again submitted to the Senate. The time limited for the exchange of

the ratification, however, having since expired, the action of both

Governments on the treaty will again become necessary.


The negotiations commenced with the Argentine Republic relative to the

outrages committed on our vessels engaged in the fisheries at the

Falkland Islands by persons acting under the color of its authority, as

well as the other matters in controversy between the two Governments,

have been suspended by the departure of the charge d'affaires of the

United States from Buenos Ayres. It is understood, however, that a

minister was subsequently appointed by that Government to renew the

negotiation in the United States, but though daily expected he has not

yet arrived in this country.


With Peru no treaty has yet been formed, and with Bolivia no diplomatic

intercourse has yet been established. It will be my endeavor to

encourage those sentiments of amity and that liberal commerce which

belong to the relations in which all the independent States of this

continent stand toward each other.


I deem it proper to recommend to your notice the revision of our

consular system. This has become an important branch of the public

service, in as much as it is intimately connected with the preservation

of our national character abroad, with the interest of our citizens in

foreign countries, with the regulation and care of our commerce, and

with the protection of our sea men. At the close of the last session of

Congress I communicated a report from the Secretary of State upon the

subject, to which I now refer, as containing information which may be

useful in any inquiries that Congress may see fit to institute with a

view to a salutary reform of the system.


It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you upon the prosperous

condition of the finances of the country, as will appear from the

report which the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time lay before

you. The receipts into the Treasury during the present year will amount

to more than $32,000,000. The revenue derived from customs will, it is

believed, be more than $28,000,000, and the public lands will yield

about $3,0900,000. The expenditures within the year for all objects,

including $2,572,240.99 on account of the public debt, will not amount

to $25,000,000, and a large balance will remain in the Treasury after

satisfying all the appropriations chargeable on the revenue for the

present year.


The measures taken by the Secretary of the Treasury will probably

enable to pay off in the course of the present year the residue of the

exchanged 4.5% stock, redeemable on January 1st, 1834. It has therefore

been included in the estimated expenditures of this year, and forms a

part of the sum above stated to have been paid on account of the public

debt. The payment of this stock will reduce the whole debt of the

United States, funded and unfunded, to the sum of $4,760,082.08, and as

provision has already been made for the 4.5% stocks above mentioned,

and charged in the expenses of the present year, the sum last stated is

all that now remains of the national debt; and the revenue of the

coming year, together with the balance now in the Treasury, will be

sufficient to discharge it, after meeting the current expenses of the

Government. Under the power given to the commissioners of the sinking

fund, it will, I have no doubt, be purchased on favorable terms within

the year.


From this view of the state of the finances and the public engagements

yet to be fulfilled you will perceive that if Providence permits me to

meet you at another session I shall have the high gratification of

announcing to you that the national debt is extinguished. I can not

refrain from expressing the pleasure I feel at the near approach of

that desirable event. The short period of time within which the public

debt will have been discharged is strong evidence of the abundant

resources of the country and of the prudence and economy with which the

Government has heretofore been administered. We have waged two wars

since we became a nation, with one of the most powerful kingdoms in the

world, both of them undertaken in defense of our dearest rights, been

successfully prosecuted and honorably terminated; and many of those who

partook in the first struggle as well as in the second will have lived

to see the last item of the debt incurred in these necessary but

expensive conflicts faithfully and honestly discharged. And we shall

have the proud satisfaction of bequeathing to the public servants who

follow us in the administration of the Government the rare blessing of

a revenue sufficiently abundant, raised without injustice or oppression

to our citizens, and unencumbered with any burdens but what they

themselves shall think proper to impose upon it.


The flourishing state of the finances ought not, however, to encourage

us to indulge in a lavish expenditure of the public treasure. The

receipts of the present year do not furnish the test by which we are to

estimate the income of the next. The changes made in our revenue system

by the acts of Congress of 1832 and 1833, and more especially by the

former, have swelled the receipts of the present year far beyond the

amount to be expected in future years upon the reduced tariff of

duties. The shortened credits on revenue bonds and the cash duties on

woolens which were introduced by the act of 1832, and took effect on

March 4th, 1832, have brought large sums into the Treasury in 1833,

which, according to the credits formerly given, would not have been

payable until 1834, and would have formed a part of the income of that

year. These causes would of themselves produce a great diminution of

the receipts in the year 1834 as compared with the present one, and

they will be still more diminished by the reduced rates of duties which

take place on January 1st, 1834 on some of the most important and

productive articles.


Upon the best estimates that can be made the receipts of the next year,

with the aid of the unappropriated amount now in the Treasury, will not

be much more than sufficient to meet the expenses of the year and pay

the small remnant of the national debt which yet remains unsatisfied. I

can not, therefore, recommend to you any alteration in the present

tariff of duties. The rate as now fixed by law on the various articles

was adopted at the last session of Congress, as a matter of compromise,

with unusual unanimity, and unless it is found to produce more than the

necessities of the Government call for there would seem to be no reason

at this time to justify a change.


But while I forbear to recommend any further reduction of the duties

beyond that already provided for by the existing laws, I must earnestly

and respectfully press upon Congress the importance of abstaining from

all appropriations which are not absolutely required for the public

interest and authorized by the powers clearly delegated to the United

States. We are beginning a new era in our Government. The national

debt, which has so long been a burden on the Treasury, will be finally

discharged in the course of the ensuing year. No more memory will

afterwards be needed than what may be necessary to meet the ordinary

expenses of the Government. Now, then, is the proper moment to fix our

system of expenditure on firm and durable principles, and I can not too

strongly urge the necessity of a rigid economy and an inflexible

determination not to enlarge the income beyond the real necessities of

the Government and not to increase the wants of the Government by

unnecessary and profuse expenditures.


If a contrary course should be pursued, it may happen that the revenue

of 1834 will fall short of the demands upon it, and after reducing the

tariff in order to lighten the burdens of the people, and providing for

a still further reduction to take effect hereafter, it would be much to

be deplored if at the end of another year we should find ourselves

obliged to retrace our steps and impose additional taxes to meet

unnecessary expenditures.


It is my duty on this occasion to call your attention to the

destruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department,

which happened since the last adjournment of Congress. A thorough

inquiry into the causes of this loss was directed and made at the time,

the result of which will be duly communicated to you. I take pleasure,

however, in stating here that by the laudable exertions of the officers

of the Department and many of the citizens of the District but few

papers were lost, and none that will materially affect the public

interest.


The public convenience requires that another building should be erected

as soon as practicable, and in providing for it it will be advisable to

enlarge in some manner the accommodations for the public officers of

the several Departments, and to authorize the erection of suitable

depositories for the safe-keeping of the public documents and records.


Since the last adjournment of Congress the Secretary of the Treasury

has directed the money of the United States to be deposited in certain

State banks designated by him, and he will immediately lay before you

his reasons for this direction. I concur with him entirely in the view

he has taken on the subject, and some months before the removal I urged

upon the Department the propriety of taking that step. The near

approach of the day on which the charger will expire, as well as the

conduct of the bank, appeared to me to call for this measure upon the

high considerations of public interest and public duty. The extent of

its misconduct, however, although known to be great, was not at that

time fully developed by proof. It was not until late in the month of

August that I received from the Government directors an official report

establishing beyond question that this great and powerful institution

had been actively engaged in attempting to influence the elections of

the public officers by means of its money, and that, in violation of

the express provisions of its charter, it had by a formal resolution

placed its funds at the disposition of its president to be employed in

sustaining the political power of the bank. A copy of this resolution

is contained in the report of the Government directors before referred

to, and how ever the object may be disguised by cautious language, no

one can doubt that this money was in truth intended for electioneering

purposes, and the particular uses to which it was proved to have been

applied abundantly show that it was so understood. Not only was the

evidence complete as to the past application of the money and power of

the bank to electioneering purposes, but that the resolution of the

board of directors authorized the same course to be pursued in future.


It being thus established by unquestionable proof that the Bank of the

United States was converted into a permanent electioneering engine, it

appeared to me that the path of duty which the executive department of

the Government ought to pursue was not doubtful. As by the terms of the

bank charter no officer but the Secretary of the Treasury could remove

the deposits, it seemed to me that this authority ought to be at once

exerted to deprive that great corporation of the support and

countenance of the Government in such an use of its and such an

exertion of its power. In this point of the case the question is

distinctly presented whether the people of the United States are to

govern through representatives chosen by their unbiased suffrages or

whether the money and power of a great corporation are to be secretly

exerted to influence their judgment and control their decisions. It

must now be determined whether the bank is to have its candidates for

all offices in the country, from the highest to the lowest, or whether

candidates on both sides of political questions shall be brought

forward as heretofore and supported by the usual means.


At this time the efforts of the bank to control public opinion, through

the distresses of some and the fears of others, are equally apparent,

and, if possible, more objectionable. By a curtailment of its

accommodations more rapid than any emergency requires, and even while

it retains specie to an almost unprecedented amount in its vaults, it

is attempting to produce great embarrassment in one portion of the

community, while through presses known to have been sustained by its

money it attempts by unfounded alarms to create a panic in all.


These are the means by which it seems to expect that it can force a

restoration of the deposits, and as a necessary consequence extort from

Congress a renewal of its charter. I am happy to know that through the

good sense of our people the effort to get up a panic has hitherto

failed, and that through the increased accommodations which the State

banks have been enabled to afford, no public distress has followed the

exertions of the bank, and it can not be doubted that the exercise of

its power and the expenditure of its money, as well as its efforts to

spread groundless alarm, will be met and rebuked as they deserve. In my

own sphere of duty I should feel myself called on by the facts

disclosed to order a scire facias against the bank, with a view to put

an end to the chartered rights it has so palpably violated, were it not

that the charter itself will expire as soon as a decision would

probably be obtained from the court of last resort.


I called the attention of Congress to this subject in my last annual

message, and informed them that such measures as were within the reach

of the Secretary of the Treasury had been taken to enable him to judge

whether the public deposits in the Bank of the United States were

entirely safe; but that as his single powers might be inadequate to the

object, I recommended the subject to Congress as worthy of their

serious investigation, declaring it as my opinion that an inquiry into

the transactions of that institution, embracing the branches as well as

the principal bank, was called for by the credit which was given

throughout the country to many serious charges impeaching their

character, and which, if true, might justly excite the apprehension

that they were no longer a safe depository for the public money. The

extent to which the examination thus recommended was gone into is

spread upon your journals, and is too well known to require to be

stated. Such as was made resulted in a report from a majority of the

Committee of Ways and Means touching certain specified points only,

concluding with a resolution that the Government deposits might safely

be continued in the Bank of the United States. This resolution was

adopted at the close of the session by the vote of a majority of the

House of Representatives.


Although I may not always be able to concur in the views of the public

interest or the duties of its agents which may be taken by the other

departments of the Government or either of its branches, I am, not

withstanding, wholly incapable of receiving otherwise than with the

most sincere respect all opinions or suggestions proceeding from such a

source, and in respect to none am I more inclined to do so than to the

House of Representatives. But it will be seen from the brief views at

this time taken of the subject by myself, as well as the more ample

ones presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, that the change in the

deposits which has been ordered has been deemed to be called for by

considerations which are not affected by the proceedings referred to,

and which, if correctly viewed by that Department, rendered its act a

matter of imperious duty.


Coming as you do, for the most part, immediately from the people and

the States by election, and possessing the fullest opportunity to know

their sentiments, the present Congress will be sincerely solicitous to

carry into full and fair effect the will of their constituents in

regard to this institution. It will be for those in whose behalf we all

act to decide whether the executive department of the Government, in

the steps which it has taken on this subject, has been found in the

line of its duty.


The accompanying report of the Secretary of War, with the documents

annexed to it, exhibits the operations of the War Department for the

past year and the condition of the various subjects intrusted to its

administration.


It will be seen from them that the Army maintains the character it has

heretofore acquired for efficiency and military knowledge. Nothing has

occurred since your last session to require its services beyond the

ordinary routine duties which upon the sea-board and the in-land

frontier devolve upon it in a time of peace. The system so wisely

adopted and so long pursued of constructing fortifications at exposed

points and of preparing and collecting the supplies necessary for the

military defense of the country, and thus providently furnishing in

peace the means of defense in war, has been continued with the usual

results. I recommend to your consideration the various subjects

suggested in the report of the Secretary of War. Their adoption would

promote the public service and meliorate the condition of the Army.


Our relations with the various Indian tribes have been undisturbed

since the termination of the difficulties growing out of the hostile

aggressions of the Sac and Fox Indians. Several treaties have been

formed for the relinquishment of territory to the United States and for

the migration of the occupants of the region assigned for their

residence West of the Mississippi. Should these treaties be ratified by

the Senate, provision will have been made for the removal of almost all

the tribes remaining E of that river and for the termination of many

difficult and embarrassing questions arising out of their anomalous

political condition.


It is to be hoped that those portions of two of the Southern tribes,

which in that event will present the only remaining difficulties, will

realize the necessity of emigration, and will speedily resort to it. My

original convictions upon this subject have been confirmed by the

course of events for several years, and experience is every day adding

to their strength. That those tribes can not exist surrounded by our

settlements and in continual contact with our citizens is certain. They

have neither the intelligence, the industry, the moral habits, nor the

desire of improvement which are essential to any favorable change in

their condition. Established in the midst of another and a superior

race, and without appreciating the causes of their inferiority or

seeking to control them, they must necessarily yield to the force of

circumstances and ere long disappear.


Such has been their fate heretofore, and if it is to be averted--and it

is--it can only be done by a general removal beyond our boundary and by

the reorganization of their political system upon principles adapted to

the new relations in which they will be placed. The experiment which

has been recently made has so far proved successful. The emigrants

generally are represented to be prosperous and contented, the country

suitable to their wants and habits, and the essential articles of

subsistence easily procured. When the report of the commissioners now

engaged in investigating the condition and prospects of these Indians

and in devising a plan for their intercourse and government is

received, I trust ample means of information will be in possession of

the Government for adjusting all the unsettled questions connected with

this interesting subject.


The operations of the Navy during the year and its present condition

are fully exhibited in the annual report from the Navy Department.


Suggestions are made by the Secretary of various improvements, which

deserve careful consideration, and most of which, if adopted, bid fair

to promote the efficiency of this important branch of the public

service. Among these are the new organization of the Navy Board, the

revision of the pay to officers, and a change in the period of time or

in the manner of making the annual appropriations, to which I beg leave

to call your particular attention.


The views which are presented on almost every portion of our naval

concerns, and especially on the amount of force and the number of

officers, and the general course of policy appropriate in the present

state of our country for securing the great and useful purposes of

naval protection in peace and due preparation for the contingencies of

war, meet with my entire approbation.


It will be perceived from the report referred to that the fiscal

concerns of the establishment are in an excellent condition, and it is

hoped that Congress may feel disposed to make promptly every suitable

provision desired either for preserving or improving the system.


The general Post Office Department has continued, upon the strength of

its own resources, to facilitate the means of communication between the

various portions of the Union with increased activity. The method,

however, in which the accounts of the transportation of the mail have

always been kept appears to have presented an imperfect view of its

expenses. It has recently been discovered that from the earliest

records of the Department the annual statements have been calculated to

exhibit an amount considerably short of the actual expense incurred for

that service. These illusory statements, together with the expense of

carrying into effect the law of the last session of Congress

establishing new mail routes, and a disposition on the part of the head

of the Department to gratify the wishes of the public in the extension

of mail facilities, have induced him to incur responsibilities for

their improvement beyond what the current resources of the Department

would sustain. As soon as he had discovered the imperfection of the

method he caused an investigation to be made of its results and applied

the proper remedy to correct the evil. It became necessary for him to

withdraw some of the improvements which he had made to bring the

expenses of the Department within its own resources. These expenses

were incurred for the public good, and the public have enjoyed their

benefit. They are now but partially suspended, and that where they may

be discontinued with the least inconvenience to the country.


The progressive increase in the income from postages has equaled the

highest expectations, and it affords demonstrative evidence of the

growing importance and great utility of this Department. The details

are exhibited in the accompanying report of the Post Master General.


The many distressing accidents which have of late occurred in that

portion of our navigation carried on by the use of steam power deserve

the immediate and unremitting attention of the constituted authorities

of the country. The fact that the number of those fatal disasters is

constantly increasing, not withstanding the great improvements which

are every where made in the machinery employed and in the rapid

advances which have made in that branch of science, shows very clearly

that they are in a great degree the result of criminal negligence on

the part of those by whom the vessels are navigated and to whose care

and attention the lives and property of our citizens are so extensively

intrusted.


That these evils may be greatly lessened, if not substantially removed,

by means of precautionary and penal legislation seems to be highly

probably. So far, therefore, as the subject can be regarded as within

the constitutional purview of Congress I earnestly recommend it to your

prompt and serious consideration.


I would also call your attention to the views I have heretofore

expressed of the propriety of amending the Constitution in relation to

the mode of electing the President and the Vice-President of the United

States. Regarding it as all important to the future quiet and harmony

of the people that every intermediate agency in the election of these

officers should be removed and that their eligibility should be limited

to one term of either four or six years, I can not too earnestly invite

your consideration of the subject.


Trusting that your deliberations on all the topics of general interest

to which I have adverted, and such others as your more extensive

knowledge of the wants of our beloved country may suggest, may be

crowned with success, I tender you in conclusion the cooperation which

it may be in my power to afford them.


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