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President[ John Quincy Adams

         Date[ December 4, 1827


Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:


A revolution of the seasons has nearly been completed since the

representatives of the people and States of this Union were last

assembled at this place to deliberate and to act upon the common

important interests of their constituents. In that interval the never

slumbering eye of a wise and beneficent Providence has continued its

guardian care over the welfare of our beloved country; the blessing of

health has continued generally to prevail throughout the land; the

blessing of peace with our brethren of the human race has been enjoyed

without interruption; internal quiet has left our fellow citizens in

the full enjoyment of all their rights and in the free exercise of all

their faculties, to pursue the impulse of their nature and the

obligation of their duty in the improvement of their own condition; the

productions of the soil, the exchanges of commerce, the vivifying

labors of human industry, have combined to mingle in our cup a portion

of enjoyment as large and liberal as the indulgence of Heaven has

perhaps ever granted to the imperfect state of man upon earth; and as

the purest of human felicity consists in its participation with others,

it is no small addition to the sum of our national happiness at this

time that peace and prosperity prevail to a degree seldom experienced

over the whole habitable globe, presenting, though as yet with painful

exceptions, a foretaste of that blessed period of promise when the lion

shall lie down with the lamb and wars shall be no more.


To preserve, to improve, and to perpetuate the sources and to direct in

their most effective channels the streams which contribute to the

public weal is the purpose for which Government was instituted. Objects

of deep importance to the welfare of the Union are constantly recurring

to demand the attention of the Federal Legislature, and they call with

accumulated interest at the first meeting of the two Houses after their

periodical renovation. To present to their consideration from time to

time subjects in which the interests of the nation are most deeply

involved, and for the regulation of which the legislative will is alone

competent, is a duty prescribed by the Constitution, to the performance

of which the first meeting of the new Congress is a period eminently

appropriate, and which it is now my purpose to discharge.


Our relations of friendship with the other nations of the earth,

political and commercial, have been preserved unimpaired, and the

opportunities to improve them have been cultivated with anxious and

unremitting attention. A negotiation upon subjects of high and delicate

interest with the Government of Great Britain has terminated in the

adjustment of some of the questions at issue upon satisfactory terms

and the postponement of others for future discussion and agreement.


The purposes of the convention concluded at St. Petersburg on July

12th, 1822, under the mediation of the late Emperor Alexander, have

been carried into effect by a subsequent convention, concluded at

London on November 13th, 1826, the ratifications of which were

exchanged at that place on February 6th, 1827. A copy of the

proclamations issued on March 19th, 1827, publishing this convention,

is herewith communicated to Congress. The sum of $1,204,960, therein

stipulated to be paid to the claimants of indemnity under the first

article of the treaty of Ghent, has been duly received, and the

commission instituted, conformably to the act of Congress of March 2d,

1827, for the distribution of the indemnity of the persons entitled to

receive it are now in session and approaching the consummation of their

labors. This final disposal of one of the most painful topics of

collision between the United States and Great Britain not only affords

an occasion of gratulation to ourselves, but has had the happiest

effect in promoting a friendly disposition and in softening asperities

upon other objects of discussion; nor ought it to pass without the

tribute of a frank and cordial acknowledgment of the magnanimity with

which an honorable nation, by the reparation of their own wrongs,

achieves a triumph more glorious than any field of blood can ever

bestow.


The conventions of March 7th, 1815, and of October 20th, 1818, will

expire by their own limitation on October 20th, 1828. These have

regulated the direct commercial intercourse between the United States

and Great Britain upon terms of the most perfect reciprocity; and they

effected a temporary compromise of the respective rights and claims to

territory westward of the Rocky Mountains. These arrangements have been

continued for an indefinite period of time after the expiration of the

above mentioned conventions, leaving each party the liberty of

terminating them by giving twelve months' notice to the other.


The radical principle of all commercial intercourse between independent

nations is the mutual interest of both parties. It is the vital spirit

of trade itself; nor can it be reconciled to the nature of man or to

the primary laws of human society that any traffic should long be

willingly pursued of which all the advantages are on one side and all

the burdens on the other. Treaties of commerce have been found by

experience to be among the most effective instruments for promoting

peace and harmony between nations whose interests, exclusively

considered on either side, are brought into frequent collisions by

competition. In framing such treaties it is the duty of each party not

simply to urge with unyielding pertinacity that which suits its own

interest, but to concede liberally to that which is adapted to the

interest of the other.


To accomplish this, little more is generally required than a simple

observance of the rule of reciprocity, and were it possible for the

states-men of one nation by stratagem and management to obtain from

the weakness or ignorance of another an over-reaching treaty, such a

compact would prove an incentive to war rather than a bond of peace.


Our conventions with Great Britain are founded upon the principles of

reciprocity. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is

greater in magnitude and amount than between any two other nations on

the globe. It is for all purposes of benefit or advantage to both as

precious, and in all probability far more extensive, than if the

parties were still constituent parts of one and the same nation.

Treaties between such States, regulating the intercourse of peace

between them and adjusting interests of such transcendent importance to

both, which have been found in a long experience of years mutually

advantageous, should not be lightly cancelled or discontinued. Two

conventions for continuing in force those above mentioned have been

concluded between the plenipotentiaries of the two Governments on

August 6th, 1827, and will be forthwith laid before the Senate for the

exercise of their constitutional authority concerning them.


In the execution of the treaties of peace of November, 1782 and

September, 1783, between the United States and Great Britain, and which

terminated the war of our independence, a line of boundary was drawn as

the demarcation of territory between the two countries, extending over

nearly 20 degrees of latitude, and ranging over seas, lakes, and

mountains, then very imperfectly explored and scarcely opened to the

geographical knowledge of the age. In the progress of discovery and

settlement by both parties since that time several questions of

boundary between their respective territories have arisen, which have

been found of exceedingly difficult adjustment.


At the close of the last war with Great Britain four of these questions

pressed themselves upon the consideration of the negotiators of the

treaty of Ghent, but without the means of concluding a definitive

arrangement concerning them. They were referred to three separate

commissions consisting, of two commissioners, one appointed by each

party, to examine and decide upon their respective claims. In the event

of a disagreement between the commissioners, one appointed by each

party, to examine and decide upon their respective claims. In the event

of a disagreement between the commissioners it was provided that they

should make reports to their several Governments, and that the reports

should finally be referred to the decision of a sovereign the common

friend of both.


Of these commissions two have already terminated their sessions and

investigations, one by entire and the other by partial agreement. The

commissioners of the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent have finally

disagreed, and made their conflicting reports to their own Governments.

But from these reports a great difficulty has occurred in making up a

question to be decided by the arbitrator. This purpose has, however,

been effected by a 4th convention, concluded at London by the

plenipotentiaries of the two Governments on September 29th, 1827. It

will be submitted, together with the others, to the consideration of

the Senate.


While these questions have been pending incidents have occurred of

conflicting pretensions and of dangerous character upon the territory

itself in dispute between the two nations. By a common understanding

between the Governments it was agreed that no exercise of exclusive

jurisdiction by either party while the negotiation was pending should

change the state of the question of right to be definitively settled.

Such collision has, never the less, recently taken place by occurrences

the precise character of which has not yet been ascertained. A

communication from the governor of the State of Maine, with

accompanying documents, and a correspondence between the Secretary of

State and the minister of Great Britain on this subject are now

communicated. Measures have been taken to ascertain the state of the

facts more correctly by the employment of a special agent to visit the

spot where the alleged outrages have occurred, the result of those

inquiries, when received, will be transmitted to Congress.


While so many of the subjects of high interest to the friendly

relations between the two countries have been so far adjusted, it is a

matter of regret that their views respecting the commercial intercourse

between the United States and the British colonial possessions have not

equally approximated to a friendly agreement.


At the commencement of the last session of Congress they were informed

of the sudden and unexpected exclusion by the British Government of

access in vessels of the United States to all their colonial ports

except those immediately bordering upon our own territories. In the

amicable discussions which have succeeded the adoption of this measure

which, as it affected harshly the interests of the United States,

became subject of expostulation on our part, the principles upon which

its justification has been placed have been of a diversified character.

It has been at once ascribed to a mere recurrence to the old, long

established principle of colonial monopoly and at the same time to a

feeling of resentment because the offers of an act of Parliament

opening the colonial ports upon certain conditions had not been grasped

at with sufficient eagerness by an instantaneous conformity to them.


At a subsequent period it has been intimated that the new exclusion was

in resentment because a prior act of Parliament, of 1822, opening

certain colonial ports, under heavy and burdensome restrictions, to

vessels of the United States, had not been reciprocated by an admission

of British vessels from the colonies, and their cargoes, without any

restriction or discrimination what ever. But be the motive for the

interdiction what it may, the British Government have manifested no

disposition, either by negotiation or by corresponding legislative

enactments, to recede from it, and we have been given distinctly to

understand that neither of the bills which were under the consideration

of Congress at their last session would have been deemed sufficient in

their concessions to have been rewarded by any relaxation from the

British interdict. It is one of the inconveniences inseparably

connected with the attempt to adjust by reciprocal legislation

interests of this nature that neither party can know what would be

satisfactory to the other, and that after enacting a statute for the

avowed and sincere purpose of conciliation it will generally be found

utterly inadequate to the expectation of the other party, and will

terminate in mutual disappointment.


The session of Congress having terminated without any act upon the

subject, a proclamation was issued on March 17, 1827, conformably to

the provisions of the 6th section of the act of March 3rd, 1823

declaring the fact that the trade and intercourse authorized by the

British act of Parliament of June 24th, 1822, between the United States

and the British enumerated colonial ports had been by the subsequent

acts of Parliament of July 5th, 1825, and the order of council of July

27th, 1826 prohibited. The effect of this proclamation, by the terms of

the act under which it was issued, has been that each and every

provision of the act concerning navigation of April 18th, 1818, and of

the act supplementary thereto of May 15th, 1820, revived and is in full

force.


Such, then is the present condition of the trade that, useful as it is

to both parties it can, with a single momentary exception, be carried

on directly by the vessels of neither. That exception itself is found

in a proclamation of the governor of the island of St. Christopher and

of the Virgin Islands, inviting for three months from August 28th, 1827

the importation of the articles of the produce of the United States

which constitute their export portion of this trade in the vessels of

all nations.


That period having already expired, the state of mutual interdiction

has again taken place. The British Government have not only declined

negotiation upon this subject, but by the principle they have assumed

with reference to it have precluded even the means of negotiation. It

becomes not the self respect of the United States either to solicit

gratuitous favors or to accept as the grant of a favor that for which

an ample equivalent is exacted. It remains to be determined by the

respective Governments whether the trade shall be opened by acts of

reciprocal legislation. It is, in the mean time, satisfactory to know

that apart from the inconvenience resulting from a disturbance of the

usual channels of trade no loss has been sustained by the commerce, the

navigation, or the revenue of the United States, and none of magnitude

is to be apprehended from this existing state of mutual interdict.


With the other maritime and commercial nations of Europe our

intercourse continues with little variation. Since the cessation by the

convention of June 24th, 1822, of all discriminating duties upon the

vessels of the United States and of France in either country our trade

with that nation has increased and is increasing. A disposition on the

part of France has been manifested to renew that negotiation, and in

acceding to the proposal we have expressed the wish that it might be

extended to other subjects upon which a good understanding between the

parties would be beneficial to the interests of both.


The origin of the political relations between the United States and

France is coeval with the first years of our independence. The memory

of it is interwoven with that of our arduous struggle for national

existence. Weakened as it has occasionally been since that time, it can

by us never be forgotten, and we should hail with exultation the moment

which should indicate a recollection equally friendly in spirit on the

part of France.


A fresh effort has recently been made by the minister of the United

States residing at Paris to obtain a consideration of the just claims

of citizens of the United States to the reparation of wrongs long since

committed, many of them frankly acknowledged and all of them entitled

upon every principle of justice to a candid examination. The proposal

last made to the French Government has been to refer the subject which

has formed an obstacle to this consideration to the determination of a

sovereign the common friend of both. To this offer no definitive answer

has yet been received, but the gallant and honorable spirit which has

at all times been the pride and glory of France will not ultimately

permit the demands of innocent sufferers to be extinguished in the mere

consciousness of the power to reject them.


A new treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce has been concluded with

the Kingdom of Sweden, which will be submitted to the Senate for their

advice with regard to its ratification. At a more recent date a

minister plenipotentiary from the Hanseatic Republics of Hamburg,

Lubeck, and Bremen has been received, charged with a special mission

for the negotiation of a treaty of amity and commerce between that

ancient and renowned league and the United States. This negotiation has

accordingly been commenced, and is now in progress, the result of which

will, if successful, be also submitted to the Senate for their

consideration.


Since the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the imperial throne of

all the Russias the friendly dispositions toward the United States so

constantly manifested by his predecessor have continued unabated, and

have been recently testified by the appointment of a minister

plenipotentiary to reside at this place. From the interest taken by

this Sovereign in behalf of the suffering Greeks and from the spirit

with which others of the great European powers are cooperating with him

the friends of freedom and of humanity may indulge the hope that they

will obtain relief from that most unequal of conflicts which they have

so long and so gallantly sustained; that they will enjoy the blessing

of self government, which by their sufferings in the cause of liberty

they have richly earned, and that their independence will be secured by

those liberal institutions of which their country furnished the

earliest examples in the history of man-kind, and which have

consecrated to immortal remembrance the very soil for which they are

now again profusely pouring forth their blood. The sympathies which the

people and Government of the United States have so warmly indulged with

their cause have been acknowledged by their Government in a letter of

thanks, which I have received from their illustrious President, a

translation of which is now communicated to Congress, the

representatives of that nation to whom this tribute of gratitude was

intended to be paid, and to whom it was justly due.


In the American hemisphere the cause of freedom and independence has

continued to prevail, and if signalized by none of those splendid

triumphs which had crowned with glory some of the preceding years it

has only been from the banishment of all external force against which

the struggle had been maintained. The shout of victory has been

superseded by the expulsion of the enemy over whom it could have been

achieved.


Our friendly wishes and cordial good will, which have constantly

followed the southern nations of America in all the vicissitudes of

their war of independence, are succeeded by a solicitude equally ardent

and cordial that by the wisdom and purity of their institutions they

may secure to themselves the choicest blessings of social order and the

best rewards of virtuous liberty. Disclaiming alike all right and all

intention of interfering in those concerns which it is the prerogative

of their independence to regulate as to them shall seem fit, we hail

with joy every indication of their prosperity, of their harmony, of

their persevering and inflexible homage to those principles of freedom

and of equal rights which are alone suited to the genius and temper of

the American nations.


It has been, therefore, with some concern that we have observed

indications of intestine divisions in some of the Republics of the

south, and appearances of less union with one another than we believe

to be the interest of all. Among the results of this state of things

has been that the treaties concluded at Panama do not appear to have

been ratified by the contracting parties, and that the meeting of the

congress at Tacubaya has been indefinitely postponed. In accepting the

invitations to be represented at this congress, while a manifestation

was intended on the part of the United States of the most friendly

disposition toward the southern Republics by whom it had been proposed,

it was hoped that it would furnish an opportunity for bringing all the

nations of this hemisphere to the common acknowledgment and adoption of

the principles in the regulation of their internal relations which

would have secured a lasting peace and harmony between them and have

promoted the cause of mutual benevolence throughout the globe. But as

obstacles appear to have arisen to the reassembling of the congress,

one of the two ministers commissioned on the part of the United States

has returned to the bosom of his country, while the minister charged

with the ordinary mission to Mexico remains authorized to attend the

conferences of the congress when ever they may be resumed.


A hope was for a short time entertained that a treaty of peace actually

signed between the Government of Buenos Ayres and of Brazil would

supersede all further occasion for those collisions between belligerent

pretensions and neutral rights which are so commonly the result of

maritime war, and which have unfortunately disturbed the harmony of the

relations between the United States and the Brazilian Governments. At

their last session Congress were informed that some of the naval

officers of that Empire had advanced and practiced upon principles in

relation to blockades and to neutral navigation which we could not

sanction, and which our commanders found it necessary to resist. It

appears that they have not been sustained by the Government of Brazil

itself. Some of the vessels captured under the assumed authority of

these erroneous principles have been restored, and we trust that our

just expectations will be realized that adequate indemnity will be made

to all the citizens of the United States who have suffered by the

unwarranted captures which the Brazilian tribunals themselves have

pronounced unlawful.


In the diplomatic discussions at Rio de Janeiro of these wrongs

sustained by citizens of the United States and of others which seemed

as if emanating immediately from that Government itself the charge

d'affaires of the United States, under an impression that his

representations in behalf of the rights and interests of his country-

men were totally disregarded and useless, deemed it his duty, without

waiting for instructions, to terminate his official functions, to

demand his pass-ports, and return to the United States. This movement,

dictated by an honest zeal for the honor and interests of his country--

motives which operated exclusively on the mind of the officer who

resorted to it--has not been disapproved by me.


The Brazilian Government, however, complained of it as a measure for

which no adequate intentional cause had been given by them, and upon an

explicit assurance through their charge d'affaires residing here that a

successor to the late representative of the United States near that

Government, the appointment of whom they desired, should be received

and treated with the respect due to his character, and that indemnity

should be promptly made for all injuries inflicted on citizens of the

United States or their property contrary to the laws of nations, a

temporary commission as charge d'affaires to that country has been

issued, which it is hopes will entirely restore the ordinary diplomatic

intercourse between the two Governments and the friendly relations

between their respective nations.


Turning from the momentous concerns of our Union in its intercourse

with foreign nations to those of the deepest interest in the

administration of our internal affairs, we find the revenues of the

present year corresponding as nearly as might be expected with the

anticipations of the last, and presenting an aspect still more

favorable in the promise of the next.


The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1827 was $6,358,686.18. The

receipts from that day to September 30th, 1827, as near as the returns

of them yet received can show, amount to $16,886,581.32. The receipts

of the present quarter, estimated at $4,515,000, added to the above

form an aggregate of $21,400,000 of receipts.


The expenditures of the year may perhaps amount to $22,300,000

presenting a small excess over the receipts. But of these $22,000,000,

upward of $6,000,000 have been applied to the discharge of the

principal of the public debt, the whole amount of which, approaching

$74,000,000 on January 1st, 1827, will on January 1st, 1828 fall short

of $67,500,000. The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1828 it is

expected will exceed $5,450,000, a sum exceeding that of January 1st,

1825, though falling short of that exhibited on January 1st, 1827.


It was foreseen that the revenue of the present year 1827 would not

equal that of the last, which had itself been less than that of the

next preceding year. But the hope has been realized which was

entertained, that these deficiencies would in no wise interrupt the

steady operation of the discharge of the public debt by the annual

$10,000,000 devoted to that object by the act of March 3d, 1817.


The amount of duties secured on merchandise imported from the

commencement of the year until September 30th, 1827 is $21,226,000, and

the probably amount of that which will be secured during the remainder

of the year is $5,774,000, forming a sum total of $27,000,000. With the

allowances for draw-backs and contingent deficiencies which may occur,

though not specifically foreseen, we may safely estimate the receipts

of the ensuing year at $22,300,000--a revenue for the next equal to the

expenditure of the present year.


The deep solicitude felt by our citizens of all classes throughout the

Union for the total discharge of the public debt will apologize for the

earnestness with which I deem it my duty to urge this topic upon the

consideration of Congress--of recommending to them again the observance

of the strictest economy in the application of the public funds. The

depression upon the receipts of the revenue which had commenced with

the year 1826 continued with increased severity during the two first

quarters of the present year.


The returning tide began to flow with the third quarter, and, so far as

we can judge from experience, may be expected to continue through the

course of the ensuing year. In the mean time an alleviation from the

burden of the public debt will in the three years have been effected to

the amount of nearly $16,000,000, and the charge of annual interest

will have been reduced upward of $1,000,000. But among the maxims of

political economy which the stewards of the public moneys should never

suffer without urgent necessity to be transcended is that of keeping

the expenditures of the year within the limits of its receipts.


The appropriations of the two last years, including the yearly

$10,000,000 of the sinking fund, have each equaled the promised revenue

of the ensuing year. While we foresee with confidence that the public

coffers will be replenished from the receipts as fast as they will be

drained by the expenditures, equal in amount to those of the current

year, it should not be forgotten that they could ill suffer the

exhaustion of larger disbursements.


The condition of the Army and of all the branches of the public service

under the superintendence of the Secretary of War will be seen by the

report from that officer and the documents with which it is

accompanied.


During the last summer a detachment of the Army has been usefully and

successfully called to perform their appropriate duties. At the moment

when the commissioners appointed for carrying into execution certain

provisions of the treaty of August 19th, 1825, with various tribes of

the North Western Indians were about to arrive at the appointed place

of meeting the unprovoked murder of several citizens and other acts of

unequivocal hostility committed by a party of the Winnebago tribe, one

of those associated in the treaty, followed by indications of a

menacing character among other tribes of the same region, rendered

necessary an immediate display of the defensive and protective force of

the Union in that quarter.


It was accordingly exhibited by the immediate and concerted movements

of the governors of the State of Illinois and of the Territory of

Michigan, and competent levies of militia, under their authority, with

a corps of 700 men of United States troops, under the command of

General Atkinson, who, at the call of Governor Cass, immediately

repaired to the scene of danger from their station at St. Louis. Their

presence dispelled the alarms of our fellow citizens on those

disorders, and overawed the hostile purposes of the Indians. The

perpetrators of the murders were surrendered to the authority and

operation of our laws, and every appearance of purposed hostility from

those Indian tribes has subsided.


Although the present organization of the Army and the administration of

its various branches of service are, upon the whole, satisfactory, they

are yet susceptible of much improvement in particulars, some of which

have been heretofore submitted to the consideration of Congress, and

others are now first presented in the report of the Secretary of War.


The expediency of providing for additional numbers of officers in the

two corps of engineers will in some degree depend upon the number and

extent of the objects of national importance upon which Congress may

think it proper that surveys should be made conformably to the act of

April 30th, 1824. Of the surveys which before the last session of

Congress had been made under the authority of that act, reports were

made--Of the Board of Internal Improvement, on the Chesapeake and Ohio

Canal. On the continuation of the national road from Cumberland to the

tide waters within the District of Columbia. On the continuation of the

national road from Canton to Zanesville. On the location of the

national road from Zanesville to Columbus. On the continuation of the

same to the seat of government in Missouri. On a post road from

Baltimore to Philadelphia. Of a survey of Kennebec River (in part). On

a national road from Washington to Buffalo. On the survey of Saugatuck

Harbor and River. On a canal from Lake Pont Chartrain to the

Mississippi River. On surveys at Edgartown, Newburyport, and Hyannis

Harbor. On survey of La Plaisance Bay, in the Territory of Michigan.

And reports are now prepared and will be submitted to Congress--On

surveys of the peninsula of Florida, to ascertain the practicability of

a canal to connect the waters of the Atlantic with the Gulf of Mexico

across that peninsula; and also of the country between the bays of

Mobile and of Pensacola, with the view of connecting them together by a

canal. On surveys of a route for a canal to connect the waters of James

and Great Kenhawa rivers. On the survey of the Swash, in Pamlico Sound,

and that of Cape Fear, below the town of Wilmington, in North Carolina.

On the survey of the Muscle Shoals, in the Tennessee River, and for a

route for a contemplated communication between the Hiwassee and Coosa

rivers, in the State of Alabama. Other reports of surveys upon objects

pointed out by the several acts of Congress of the last and preceding

sessions are in the progress of preparation, and most of them may be

completed before the close of this session. All the officers of both

corps of engineers, with several other persons duly qualified, have

been constantly employed upon these services from the passage of the

act of April 30th, 1824, to this time.


Were no other advantage to accrue to the country from their labors than

the fund of topographical knowledge which they have collected and

communicated, that alone would have been a profit to the Union more

than adequate to all the expenditures which have been devoted to the

object; but the appropriations for the repair and continuation of the

Cumberland road, for the construction of various other roads, for the

removal of obstructions from the rivers and harbors, for the erection

of light houses, beacons, piers, and buoys, and for the completion of

canals undertaken by individual associations, but needing the

assistance of means and resources more comprehensive than individual

enterprise can command, may be considered rather as treasures laid up

from the contributions of the present age for the benefit of posterity

than as unrequited applications of the accruing revenues of the nation.


To such objects of permanent improvement to the condition of the

country, of real addition to the wealth as well as to the comfort of

the people by whose authority and resources they have been effected,

from $3,000,000 to $4,000,000 of the annual income of the nation have,

by laws enacted at the three most recent sessions of Congress, been

applied, without intrenching upon the necessities of the Treasury,

without adding a dollar to the taxes or debts of the community, without

suspending even the steady and regular discharge of the debts

contracted in former days, which within the same three years have been

diminished by the amount of nearly $16,000,000.


The same observations are in a great degree applicable to the

appropriations made for fortifications upon the coasts and harbors of

the United States, for the maintenance of the Military Academy at West

Point, and for the various objects under the superintendence of the

Department of the Navy. The report from the Secretary of the Navy and

those from the subordinate branches of both the military departments

exhibit to Congress in minute detail the present condition of the

public establishments dependent upon them, the execution of the acts of

Congress relating to them, and the views of the officers engaged in the

several branches of the service concerning the improvements which may

tend to their perfection.


The fortification of the coasts and the gradual increase and

improvement of the Navy are parts of a great system of national defense

which has been upward of ten years in progress, and which for a series

of years to come will continue to claim the constant and persevering

protection and superintendence of the legislative authority. Among the

measures which have emanated from these principles the act of the last

session of Congress for the gradual improvement of the Navy holds a

conspicuous place. The collection of timber for the future construction

of vessels of war, the preservation and reproduction of the species of

timber peculiarly adapted to that purpose, the construction of dry

docks for the use of the Navy, the erection of a marine railway for the

repair of the public ships, and the improvement of the navy yards for

the preservation of the public property deposited in them have all

received from the Executive the attention required by that act, and

will continue to receive it, steadily proceeding toward the execution

of all its purposes.


The establishment of a naval academy, furnishing the means of theoretic

instruction to the youths who devote their lives to the service of

their country upon the ocean, still solicits the sanction of the

Legislature. Practical seamanship and the art of navigation may be

acquired on the cruises of the squadrons which from time to time are

dispatched to distant seas, but a competent knowledge even of the art

of ship building, the higher mathematics, and astronomy; the literature

which can place our officers on a level of polished education with the

officers of other maritime nations; the knowledge of the laws,

municipal and national, which in their intercourse with foreign states

and their governments are continually called into operation, and, above

all, that acquaintance with the principles of honor and justice, with

the higher obligations of morals and of general laws, human and divine,

which constitutes the great distinction between the warrior-patriot and

the licensed robber and pirate--these can be systematically taught and

eminently acquired only in a permanent school, stationed upon the shore

and provided with the teachers, the instruments, and the books

conversant with and adapted to the communication of the principles of

these respective sciences to the youthful and inquiring mind.


The report from the Post Master General exhibits the condition of that

Department as highly satisfactory for the present and still more

promising for the future. Its receipts for the year ending July 1st,

1827 amounted to $1,473,551, and exceeded its expenditures by upward of

$100,000. It can not be an over sanguine estimate to predict that in

less than ten years, of which half have elapsed, the receipts will have

been more than doubled.


In the mean time a reduced expenditure upon established routes has kept

pace with increased facilities of public accommodation and additional

services have been obtained at reduced rates of compensation. Within

the last year the transportation of the mail in stages has been greatly

augmented. The number of post offices has been increased to 7,000, and

it may be anticipated that while the facilities of intercourse between

fellow citizens in person or by correspondence will soon be carried to

the door of every villager in the Union, a yearly surplus of revenue

will accrue which may be applied as the wisdom of Congress under the

exercise of their constitutional powers may devise for the further

establishment and improvement of the public roads, or by adding still

further to the facilities in the transportation of the mails. Of the

indications of the prosperous condition of our country, none can be

more pleasing than those presented by the multiplying relations of

personal and intimate intercourse between the citizens of the Union

dwelling at the remotest distances from each other.


Among the subjects which have heretofore occupied the earnest

solicitude and attention of Congress is the management and disposal of

that portion of the property of the nation which consists of the public

lands. The acquisition of them, made at the expense of the whole Union,

not only in treasury but in blood, marks a right of property in them

equally extensive. By the report and statements from the General Land

Office now communicated it appears that under the present Government of

the United States a sum little short of $33,000,000 has been paid from

the common Treasury for that portion of this property which has been

purchased from France and Spain, and for the extinction of the

aboriginal titles. The amount of lands acquired is near 260,000,000

acres, of which on January 1st, 1826, about 139,000,000 acres had been

surveyed, and little more than 19,000,000 acres had been sold. The

amount paid into the Treasury by the purchasers of the public lands

sold is not yet equal to the sums paid for the whole, but leaves a

small balance to be refunded. The proceeds of the sales of the lands

have long been pledged to the creditors of the nation, a pledge from

which we have reason to hope that they will in a very few years be

redeemed.


The system upon which this great national interest has been managed was

the result of long, anxious, and persevering deliberation. Matured and

modified by the progress of our population and the lessons of

experience, it has been hitherto eminently successful. More than nine

tenths of the lands still remain the common property of the Union, the

appropriation and disposal of which are sacred trusts in the hands of

Congress.


Of the lands sold, a considerable part were conveyed under extended

credits, which in the vicissitudes and fluctuations in the value of

lands and of their produce became oppressively burdensome to the

purchasers. It can never be the interest or the policy of the nation to

wring from its own citizens the reasonable profits of their industry

and enterprise by holding them to the rigorous import of disastrous

engagements. In March, 1821, a debt of $22,000,000, due by purchasers

of the public lands, had accumulated, which they were unable to pay. An

act of Congress of March 2nd, 1821, came to their relief, and has been

succeeded by others, the latest being the act of May 4th, 1826, the

indulgent provisions of which expired on July 4th, 1827. The effect of

these laws has been to reduce the debt from the purchasers to a

remaining balance of about $4,300,000 due, more than three fifths of

which are for lands within the State of Alabama. I recommend to

Congress the revival and continuance for a further term of the

beneficent accommodations to the public debtors of that statute, and

submit to their consideration, in the same spirit of equity, the

remission, under proper discriminations, of the forfeitures of partial

payments on account of purchases of the public lands, so far as to

allow of their application to other payments.


There are various other subjects of deep interest to the whole Union

which have heretofore been recommended to the consideration of

Congress, as well by my predecessors as, under the impression of the

duties devolving upon me, by myself. Among these are the debt, rather

of justice than gratitude, to the surviving warriors of the

Revolutionary war; the extension of the judicial administration of the

Federal Government to those extensive since the organization of the

present judiciary establishment, now constitute at least one third of

its territory, power, and population; the formation of a more effective

and uniform system for the government of the militia, and the

amelioration in some form or modification of the diversified and often

oppressive codes relating to insolvency. Amidst the multiplicity of

topics of great national concernment which may recommend themselves to

the calm and patriotic deliberations of the Legislature, it may suffice

to say that on these and all other measures which may receive their

sanction my hearty cooperation will be given, conformably to the duties

enjoined upon me and under the sense of all the obligations prescribed

by the Constitution.


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS


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