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President[ James Monroe

         Date[ December 12, 1817

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to felicitate

ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our country. The

abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An extensive and

profitable commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The public credit

has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations for defense in

case of future wars, from which, by the experience of all nations, we ought

not to expect to be exempted, are advancing under a well-digested system

with all the dispatch which so important a work will admit. Our free

Government, founded on the interest and affections of the people, has

gained and is daily gaining strength. Local jealousies are rapidly yielding

to more generous, enlarged, and enlightened views of national policy. For

advantages so numerous and highly important it is our duty to unite in

grateful acknowledgements to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are

derived, and in unceasing prayer that He will endow us with virtue and

strength to maintain and hand them down in their utmost purity to our

latest posterity.

I have the satisfaction to inform you that an arrangement which had been

commenced by my predecessor with the British Government for the reduction

of the naval force by Great Britain and the United States on the Lakes has

been concluded, by which it is provided that neither party shall keep in

service on Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake Ontario more than

one, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes more than two, to be armed each

with one cannon only, and that all the other armed vessels of both parties,

of which an exact list is interchanged, shall be dismantled. It is also

agreed that the force retained shall be restricted in its duty to the

internal purposes of each party, and that the arrangement shall remain in

force until six months shall have expired after notice given by one of the

parties to the other of its desire that it should terminate. By this

arrangement useless expense on both sides and, what is of still greater

importance, the danger of collision between armed vessels in those inland

waters, which was great, is prevented.

I have the satisfaction also to state that the commissioners under the

fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide to

which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged under

the treaty of 1783, have agreed in a report, by which all the islands in

the possession of each party before the late war have been decreed to it.

The commissioners acting under the other articles of the treaty of Ghent

for the settlement of boundaries have also been engaged in the discharge of

their respective duties, but have not yet completed them.

The difference which arose between the two Governments under that treaty

respecting the right of the US to take and cure fish on the coast of the

British provinces north of our limits, which had been secured by the treaty

of 1783, is still in negotiation. The proposition made by this Government

to extend to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the convention

of London, by which the commerce between the ports of the United States

and British ports in Europe had been placed on a footing of equality, has

been declined by the British Government. This subject having been thus

amicably discussed between the two Governments, and it appearing that

the British Government is unwilling to depart from its present

regulations, it remains for Congress to decide whether they will make

any other regulations in consequence thereof for the protection and

improvement of our navigation.

The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce and the

settlement of boundaries remains essentially in the state it held by the

communications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been

evidently the policy of the Spanish Government to keep the negotiation

suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an amicable

disposition toward Spain and in the expectation that her Government would,

from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an arrangement as would be

equal between the parties. A disposition has been lately shown by the

Spanish Government to move in the negotiation, which has been met by this

Government, and should the conciliatory and friendly policy which has

invariably guided our councils be reciprocated, a just and satisfactory

arrangement may be expected. It is proper, however, to remark that no

proposition has yet been made from which such a result can be presumed.

It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and the

colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It was

natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their

neighbors. It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the conflict

along our coast and in contiguous countries would occasionally interrupt

our commerce and otherwise affect the persons and property of our citizens.

These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been received

from persons acting under authority of both the parties, and for which

redress has in most instances been withheld.

Through every stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an

impartial neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money,

ships, or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light

of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between

parties nearly equal, having as to neutral powers equal rights. Our ports

have been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil or of the

industry of our citizens which either was permitted to take has been

equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their

independence, it is proper now to state that this Government neither seeks

nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise which

will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will in that

event become independent states, free from any obligation to or connection

with us which it may not then be their interest to form on the basis of a

fair reciprocity.

In the summer of the present year an expedition was set on foot against

East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the

colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of the St.

Marys River, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As this Province

lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and

the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the

Government of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation or in exchange

for territory of equal value westward of the Mississippi, a fact well known

to the world, it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to

this measure by any of the colonies.

As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations

existing between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was

entertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them. This

doubt has gained strength by the circumstances which have unfolded

themselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked it as a

mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced with an

incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be

drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late, as

their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of

unfriendliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit

introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for

fugitive slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of

every kind.

A similar establishment was made at an earlier period by persons of the

same description in the Gulf of Mexico at a place called Galvezton, within

the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of

Louisiana. This enterprise has been marked in a more signal manner by all

the objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more

particularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our

commerce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any

authority whatever, which is not believed, have abused their trust and

forfeited all claim to consideration. A just regard for the rights and

interests of the United States required that they should be suppressed, and

orders have been accordingly issued to that effect. The imperious

considerations which produced this measure will be explained to the parties

whom it may in any degree concern.

To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United States

are interested; to inspire just sentiments in all persons in authority, on

either side, of our friendly disposition so far as it may comport with an

impartial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce in every

port and from every flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war

with three distinguished citizens along the southern coast with these

purposes. With the existing authorities, with those in the possession of

and exercising the sovereignty, must the communication be held; from them

alone can redress for past injuries committed by persons acting under them

be obtained; by them alone can the commission of the like in future be

prevented.

Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no essential

change since the last session. In our intercourse with each due attention

continues to be paid to the protection of our commerce, and to every other

object in which the United States are interested. A strong hope is

entertained that, by adhering to the maxims of a just, a candid, and

friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations with all the

powers of Europe on conditions advantageous and honorable to our country.

With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes our pacific relations have

been preserved.

In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country the view

which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which have been

made into the Treasury show the very productive state of the public

revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the support of

the civil Government and of the military and naval establishments,

embracing suitable provision for fortifications and for the gradual

increase of the Navy, paying the interest of the public debt, and

extinguishing more than $18 millions of the principal, within the present

year, it is estimated that a balance of more than $6 millions will remain

in the Treasury on the first day of January applicable to the current

service of the ensuing year.

The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818 on account of imposts

and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have accrued in the

present year, may be fairly estimated at $20 millions; the internal

revenues at $2.5 millions; the public lands at $1.5 millions; bank

dividends and incidental receipts at $500,000; making in the whole $24.5

millions.

The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil Government

and of the Army and Navy, as now established by law, amounts to $11.8

millions, and for the sinking fund to $10 millions, making in the whole

$21.8 millions, leaving an annual excess of revenue beyond the expenditure

of $2.7 millions, exclusive of the balance estimated to be in the Treasury

on the first day of January, 1818.

In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the Louisiana debt may be

redeemed in the year 1819, after which, if the public debt continues as it

now is, above par, there will be annually about $5 millions of the sinking

fund unexpended until the year 1825, when the loan of 1812 and the stock

created by funding Treasury notes will be redeemable.

It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged during

the year 1819 from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to that

object, after which the receipts from those lands will annually add to the

public revenue the sum of $1.5 millions, making the permanent annual

revenue amount to $26 millions, and leaving an annual excess of revenue

after the year 1819 beyond the permanent authorized expenditure of more

than $4 millions.

By the last returns to the Department of War the militia force of the

several States may be estimated at 800,000 men--infantry, artillery, and

cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to arm

the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of the militia

is one of the great objects which claims the unremitted attention of

Congress.

The regular force amounts nearly to the number required by law, and is

stationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.

Of the naval force it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in

the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico.

From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country bordering on Lake

Erie purchases have been made of lands on conditions very favorable to the

United States, and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes

themselves.

By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate reservations, has been

extinguished to the whole of the land within the limits of the State of

Ohio, and to a part of that in the Michigan Territory and of the State of

Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in the State of

Georgia and an arrangement made by which, in exchange for lands beyond the

Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole, of the land belonging to that

tribe eastward of that river in the States of North Carolina, Georgia, and

Tennessee, and in the Alabama Territory will soon be acquired. By these

acquisitions, and others that may reasonably be expected soon to follow, we

shall be enabled to extend our settlements from the inhabited parts of the

State of Ohio along Lake Erie into the Michigan Territory, and to connect

our settlements by degrees through the State of Indiana and the Illinois

Territory to that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect

will soon be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the States

and territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and

the Mobile.

In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and nothing can

prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new

efforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization of the native

inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated

desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater force of

civilized population; and of right it ought to yield, for the earth was

given to mankind to support the greatest number of which it is capable, and

no tribe or people have a right to withhold from the wants of others more

than is necessary for their own support and comfort.

It is gratifying to know that the reservations of land made by the treaties

with the tribes on Lake Erie were made with a view to individual ownership

among them and to the cultivation of the soil by all, and that an annual

stipend has been pledged to supply their other wants. It will merit the

consideration of Congress whether other provision not stipulated by treaty

ought to be made for these tribes and for the advancement of the liberal

and humane policy of the United States toward all the tribes within our

limits, and more particularly for their improvement in the arts of

civilized life.

Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which have

preceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland

frontiers is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting of our

own people, thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the Mobile,

with the protection to be derived from the regular force, Indian

hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth lose their

terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will not be

necessary, and the expense of attending them may be saved. A people

accustomed to the use of firearms only, as the Indian tribes are, will shun

even moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great fortifications will

therefore be requisite only in future along the coast and at some points in

the interior connected with it. On these will the safety of our towns and

the commerce of our great rivers, from the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi,

depend. On these, therefore, should the utmost attention, skill, and labor

be bestowed.

A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public lands,

proceeding from these and other obvious cases, may henceforward be

expected. The difficulties attending early emigrations will be dissipated

even in the most remote parts. Several new States have been admitted into

our Union to the west and south, and Territorial governments, happily

organized, established over every other portion in which there is vacant

land for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities, as must soon be done, in

a formidable shape at least, the emigration, which has heretofore been

great, will probably increase, and the demand for land and the augmentation

in its value be in like proportion.

The great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone

produce an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt

as in those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which

ought to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation

should therefore derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise in

their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants

consistent with a fair competition between them, but that competition

should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather than

of individuals.

Great capitalists will derive the benefit incident to their superior wealth

under any mode of sale which may be adopted, but if, looking forward to the

rise in the value of the public lands, they should have the opportunity of

amassing at a low price vast bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue

to them and not to the public. They would also have the power in that

degree to control the emigration and settlement in such a manner as their

opinion of their respective interests might dictate. I submit this subject

to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made

in the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should

any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the

object.

When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the

great amount and value of its productions, the connection of its parts, and

other circumstances on which their prosperity and happiness depend, we can

not fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the

facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them by means of

good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal

inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of

such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress

at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the

present, I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating my

sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it with that

freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest and a proper

respect for Congress require.

A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation of our

Constitution to the present time among our most enlightened and virtuous

citizens respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of

improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it

would be improper after what has passed that this discussion should be

revived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right.

Disregarding early impressions I have bestowed on the subject all the

deliberation which its great importance and a just sense of my duty

required, and the result is a settled conviction in my mind that Congress

do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified

powers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental to or a

necessary means, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect

any of the powers which are specifically granted.

In communicating this result I can not resist the obligation which I feel

to suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States the

adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which shall give to Congress

the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of

such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our

institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our

constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely

that if it appears to their satisfaction that the power is necessary, it

will always be granted.

In this case I am happy to observe that experience has afforded the most

ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and

harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union promises to such a

recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to

suggest also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to

the States to include in the amendment sought a right in Congress to

institute likewise seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of

diffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens throughout the United

States.

Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The

capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in the

machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value.

Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement, is connected with

the high interests of the nation.

Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as

circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is not

yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that the two

wings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose

at the next session. The time seems now to have arrived when this subject

may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress on a scale adequate to

national purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary

to the convenient accommodation of Congress, of the committees, and various

offices belonging to it.

It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient

for the accommodation of the several Executive Departments, some of whom

are much crowded and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in

private buildings at some distance from the head of the Department, and

with inconvenience to the management of the public business.

Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and

ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that

respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the

establishment of a permanent residence for the National Government and the

spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted show that such

improvement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central

position, between the northern and southern extremes of our Union, and its

approach to the west at the head of a great navigable river which

interlocks with the Western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which

established it.

Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper than that convenient

accommodation should be provided on a well-digested plan for the heads of

the several Departments and for the Attorney-General, and it is believed

that the public ground in the city applied to these objects will be found

amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress,

that such further provision may be made in it as to them may seem proper.

In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention

is drawn with peculiar interest to the surviving officers and soldiers of

our Revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed by their services to

lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens have paid the

debt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed that among the survivors

there are some not provided for by existing laws, who are reduced to

indigence and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the

gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to

provide for them. The lapse of a few years more and the opportunity will be

forever lost; indeed, so long already has been the interval that the number

to be benefitted by any provision which may be made will not be great.

It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts

and tonnage and from the sale of the public lands will be fully adequate to

the support of the civil Government, of the present military and naval

establishments, including the annual augmentation of the latter to the

extent provided for, to the payment of the interest of the public debt, and

to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized, without the aid of the

internal taxes, I consider it my duty to recommend to Congress their

repeal.

To impose taxes when the public exigencies require them is an obligation of

the most sacred character, especially with a free people. The faithful

fulfillment of it is among the highest proofs of their value and capacity

for self-government. To dispense with taxes when it may be done with

perfect safety is equally the duty of their representatives.

In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed

when the demand was imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary

fidelity. I have to add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding

the prosperous and happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal

of these taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events,

and, should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such

measures and burdens as may then be requisite and proper.

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