Contents    Prev    Next    Last

President[ James Madison

         Date[ November 5, 1811

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

In calling you together sooner than a separation from your homes would

otherwise have been required I yielded to considerations drawn from the

posture of our foreign affairs, and in fixing the present for the time of

your meeting regard was had to the probability of further developments of

the policy of the belligerent powers toward this country which might the

more unite the national councils in the measures to be pursued.

At the close of the last session of Congress it was hoped that the

successive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so far as

they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the Government of

Great Britain to repeal its orders in council, and thereby authorize a

removal of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United

States.

Instead of this reasonable step toward satisfaction and friendship between

the two nations, the orders were, at a moment when least to have been

expected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was communicated through

the British envoy just arrived that whilst the revocation of the edicts of

France, as officially made known to the British Government, was denied to

have taken place, it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the

British orders that commerce should be restored to a footing that would

admit the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by

neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy, the United States

being given to understand that in the mean time a continuance of their

nonimportation act would lead to measures of retaliation.

At a later date it has indeed appeared that a communication to the British

Government of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French decrees against

our neutral trade was followed by an intimation that it had been

transmitted to the British plenipotentiary here in order that it might

receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication

appears not to have been received; but the transmission of it hither,

instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the orders or assurances that

the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change

in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory

proofs of such a change, and to proceed in the mean time in adapting our

measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister will

best consult our whole duty.

In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures indemnity and redress for

other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths

of our harbors have again witnessed scenes not less derogatory to the

dearest of our national rights than vexation to the regular course of our

trade.

Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war

hovering on our coasts was an encounter between one of them and the

American frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable on the

part of the latter by a fire commenced without cause by the former, whose

commander is therefore alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed

in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court

of inquiry requested by Captain Rodgers are communicated, together with

the correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of

State and His Britannic Majesty's envoy. To these are added the several

correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British orders in

council, and to both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which

Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the

Government of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the

proceeding of the United States.

The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United

States toward France, both before and since the revocation of her decrees,

authorized an expectation that her Government would have followed up that

measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as

dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet given of an

intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States, and

particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and

condemned under edicts which, though not affecting our neutral relations,

and therefore not entering into questions between the United States and

other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles

that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.

In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that nation, the

United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and

unexpected restrictions to which their trade with the French dominions has

been subjected, and which, if not discontinued, will require at least

corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United

States.

On all those subjects our minister plenipotentiary lately sent to Paris has

carried with him the necessary instructions, the result of which will be

communicated to you, by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French

Government toward the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of

the United States toward France.

Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia

they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have

afforded proofs of friendly dispositions toward our commerce in the

councils of that nation also, and the information from our special minister

to Denmark shews that the mission had been attended with valuable effects

to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and

endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.

Under the ominous indications which commanded attention it became a duty to

exert the means committed to the executive department in providing for the

general security. The works of defense on our maritime frontier have

accordingly been prosecuted with an activity leaving little to be added for

the completion of the most important ones, and, as particularly suited for

cooperation in emergencies, a portion of the gun boats have in particular

harbors been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, with

the addition of a frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard

to the rights of our coast, and such a disposition has been made of our

land forces as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and

important.

In this disposition is included a force consisting of regulars and militia,

embodied in the Indiana Territory and marched toward our northwestern

frontier. This measure was made requisite by several murders and

depredations committed by Indians, but more especially by the menacing

preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash, under the

influence and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With these

exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions toward us,

and their usual pursuits.

I must now add that the period is arrived which claims from the legislative

guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for

maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted

moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States to

substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries

all the mutual advantages of reestablished friendship and confidence, we

have seen that the British cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a

remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the

execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures

which under existing circumstances have the character as well as the effect

of war on our lawful commerce.

With this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights which no

independent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting

the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and

corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.

I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provisions be made for filling the

ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular troops; for an

auxiliary force to be engaged for a more limited term; for the acceptance

of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in

urgent services; for detachments as they may be wanted of other portions of

the militia, and for such a preparation of the great body as will

proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion

fail to remind you of the importance of those military seminaries which in

every event will form a valuable and frugal part of our military

establishment.

The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success,

and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to

emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Congress to authorize

an enlargement of them.

Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions on the subject of

our naval force as may be required for the services to which it may be best

adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also of an authority to

augment the stock of such materials as are imperishable in their nature, or

may not at once be attainable.

In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and

estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook

those developing themselves among the great communities which occupy the

southern portion of our own hemisphere and extend into our neighborhood. An

enlarged philanthropy and an enlightened forecast concur in imposing on the

national councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies,

to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will, to regard the progress of

events, and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be

ultimately established.

Under another aspect of our situation the early attention of Congress will

be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions

of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious

everywhere, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws

being made by all for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every

individual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt when it blends

with a pursuit of ignominious gain a treacherous subserviency, in the

transgressors, to a foreign policy adverse to that of their own country. It

is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to

manifest itself through the regular animadversions of the most competent

laws.

To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest

interests which it covers, it is expedient also that it be made punishable

in our citizens to accept licenses from foreign governments for a trade

unlawfully interdicted by them to other American citizens, or to trade

under false colors or papers of any sort.

A prohibition is equally called for against the acceptance by our citizens

of special licenses to be used in a trade with the United States, and

against the admission into particular ports of the United States of vessels

from foreign countries authorized to trade with particular ports only.

Although other subjects will press more immediately on your deliberations,

a portion of them can not but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy

of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are

still attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent,

and to our navigation, the fair extent of which is at present abridged by

the unequal regulations of foreign governments.

Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from sacrifices which

a change of circumstances might bring on them, the national interest

requires that, with regard to such articles at least as belong to our

defense and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary

dependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments adhere to

the existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation, and

an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by their navigation in

our ports, the effect can not be mistaken, because it has been seriously

felt by our shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes place the

advantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign

markets and of a growing body of mariners trained by their occupations for

the service of their country in times of danger must be diminished.

The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of

September last have exceeded $13.5 millions, and have enabled us to defray

the current expenses, including the interest on the public debt, and to

reimburse more than $5 millions of the principal without recurring to the

loan authorized by the act of the last session. The temporary loan

obtained in the latter end of the year 1810 has also been reimbursed, and

is not included in that amount.

The decrease of revenue arising from the situation of our commerce, and the

extraordinary expenses which have and may become necessary, must be taken

into view in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year; and I

recommend to your consideration the propriety of insuring a sufficiency of

annual revenue at least to defray the ordinary expenses of Government, and

to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which

may be authorized.

I can not close this communication without expressing my deep sense of the

crisis in which you are assembled, my confidence in a wise and honorable

result to your deliberations, and assurances of the faithful zeal with

which my cooperating duties will be discharged, invoking at the same time

the blessing of Heaven on our beloved country and on all the means that may

be employed in vindicating its rights and advancing its welfare.

	Contents    Prev    Next    Last