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President[ Thomas Jefferson

         Date[ October 17, 1803


To The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:


In calling you together, fellow citizens, at an earlier day than was

contemplated by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not been

insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an

unexpected change in your arrangements, but matters of great public

concernment have rendered this call necessary, and the interests you feel

in these will supersede in your minds all private considerations.


Congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agitation

produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit at

the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place having been made

according to treaty. They were sensible that the continuance of that

privation would be more injurious to our nation than any consequences which

could flow from any mode of redress, but reposing just confidence in the

good faith of the Government whose officer had committed the wrong,

friendly and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of

deposit was restored.


Previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the danger to

which our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so important a key to

the commerce of the Western country remained under foreign power.

Difficulties, too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other

streams which, arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent.

Propositions had therefore been authorized for obtaining on fair conditions

the sovereignty of New Orleans and of other possessions in that quarter

interesting to our quiet to such extent as was deemed practicable, and the

provisional appropriation of $2 millions to be applied and accounted

for by the President of the United States, intended as part of the price,

was considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the acquisition

proposed. The enlightened Government of France saw with just discernment

the importance to both nations of such liberal arrangements as might best

and permanently promote the peace, friendship, and interests of both, and

the property and sovereignty of all Louisiana which had been restored to

them have on certain conditions been transferred to the United States by

instruments bearing date the 30th of April last. When these shall have

received the constitutional sanction of the Senate, they will without delay

be communicated to the Representatives also for the exercise of their

functions as to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the

Constitution in Congress.


Whilst the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters

secure an independent outlet for the produce of the Western States and an

uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision

with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the

fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season

important aids to our Treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a

wide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal laws.


With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures

which may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary

government of the country; for its incorporation into our Union; for

rendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted

brethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of property;

for confirming to the Indian inhabitants their occupancy and

self-government, establishing friendly and commercial relations with them,

and for ascertaining the geography of the country acquired. Such materials,

for your information, relative to its affairs in general as the short space

of time has permitted me to collect will be laid before you when the

subject shall be in a state for your consideration.


Another important acquisition of territory has also been made since the

last session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, with

which we have never had a difference, reduced by the wars and wants of

savage life to a few individuals unable to defend themselves against the

neighboring tribes, has transferred its country to the United States,

reserving only for its members what is sufficient to maintain them in an

agricultural way. The considerations stipulated are that we shall extend to

them our patronage and protection and give them certain annual aids in

money, in implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice.

This country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along the

Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up to the Ohio, though

not so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the other bank, may

yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as its

inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country

should future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. As the

stipulations in this treaty involve matters with the competence of both

Houses only, it will be laid before Congress as soon as the Senate shall

have advised its ratification.


With many of the other Indian tribes improvements in agriculture and

household manufacture are advancing, and with all our peace and friendship

are established on grounds much firmer than heretofore. The measure adopted

of establishing trading houses among them and of furnishing them

necessaries in exchange for their commodities at such moderate prices as

leave no gain, but cover us from loss, has the most conciliatory and useful

effect on them, and is that which will best secure their peace and good

will.


The small vessels authorized by Congress with a view to the Mediterranean

service have been sent into that sea, and will be able more effectually to

confine the Tripoline cruisers within their harbors and supersede the

necessity of convoy to our commerce in that quarter. They will sensibly

lessen the expenses of that service the ensuing year.


A further knowledge of the ground in the northeastern and northwestern

angles of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established by

the treaty of Paris between the British territories and ours in those parts

were too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. It has

therefore been thought worthy of attention for preserving and cherishing

the harmony and useful intercourse subsisting between the two nations to

remove by timely arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise

render a ground of future misunderstanding. A convention has therefore been

entered into which provides for a practicable demarcation of those limits

to the satisfaction of both parties.


An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the 30th of

September last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year,

will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury so soon as the

receipts of the last quarter shall be returned from the more distant

States. It is already ascertained that the amount paid into the Treasury

for that year has been between $11 millions and $12 millions, and that the

revenue accrued during the same term exceeds the sum counted on as

sufficient for our current expenses and to extinguish the public debt

within the period heretofore proposed.


The amount of debt paid for the same year is about $3.1 millions exclusive

of interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a

discharge of more than $8.5 millions of the principal of that debt,

besides the accruing interest; and there remain in the Treasury nearly

$6 millions. Of these, $880 thousands have been reserved for payment of

the first installment due under the British convention of January 8th,

1802, and $2 millions are what have been before mentioned as placed by

Congress under the power and accountability of the President toward the

price of New Orleans and other territories acquired, which, remaining

untouched, are still applicable to that object and go in diminution of

the sum to be funded for it.


Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and

carried into effect, a sum of nearly $13 millions will then be added to

our public debt, most of which is payable after fifteen years, before

which term the present existing debts will all be discharged by the

established operation of the sinking fund. When we contemplate the

ordinary annual augmentation of impost from increasing population and

wealth, the augmentation of the same revenue by its extension to the new

acquisition, and the economies which may still be introduced into our

public expenditures, I can not but hope that Congress in reviewing

their resources will find means to meet the intermediate interest of

this additional debt without recurring to new taxes, and applying to this

object only the ordinary progression of our revenue. Its extraordinary

increase in times of foreign war will be the proper and sufficient fund

for any measures of safety or precaution which that state of things may

render necessary in our neutral position.


Remittances for the installments of our foreign debt having been found

practicable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the

power given by a former act of Congress of continuing them by reloans, and

of redeeming instead thereof equal sums of domestic debt, although no

difficulty was found in obtaining that accommodation.


The sum of $50 thousands appropriated by Congress for providing gun boats

remains unexpended. The favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on the

Mississippi rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary, and

time was desirable in order that the institution of that branch of our

force might begin on models the most approved by experience. The same

issue of events dispensed with a resort to the appropriation of $1.5

millions, contemplated for purposes which were effected by happier means.


We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again in

Europe, and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful

relations engaged in mutual destruction. While we regret the miseries in

which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind

Providence which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative

councils while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs guarded us

from hastily entering into the sanguinary contest and left us only to look

on and pity its ravages.


These will be heaviest on those immediately engaged. Yet the nations

pursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil.


In the course of this conflict let it be our endeavor, as it is our

interest and desire, to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations

by every act of justice and of innocent kindness; to receive their armed

vessels with hospitality from the distresses of the sea, but to administer

the means of annoyance to none; to establish in our harbors such a police

as may maintain law and order; to restrain our citizens from embarking

individually in a war in which their country takes no part; to punish

severely those persons, citizens or alien, who shall usurp the cover of our

flag for vessels not entitled to it, infecting thereby with suspicion those

of real Americans and committing us into controversies for the redress of

wrongs not our own; to exact from every nation the observance toward our

vessels and citizens of those principles and practices which all civilized

people acknowledge; to merit the character of a just nation, and maintain

that of an independent one, preferring every consequence to insult and

habitual wrong. Congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us

efficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens in all places and

with others while within the limits of our jurisdiction, and will give them

the new modifications necessary for these objects. Some contraventions of

right have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits and

on the high seas. The friendly disposition of the Governments from whose

agents they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice,

leave us in reasonable expectation that they will be rectified and

prevented in future, and that no act will be countenanced by them which

threatens to disturb our friendly intercourse.


Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe and from the political

interests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which

render our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs to us, it can

not be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them. We

should be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings

of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has

endowed us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the

paths of industry, peace, and happiness, of cultivating general friendship,

and of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason rather

than of force.


How desirable, then, must it be in a Government like ours to see its

citizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct which

their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and

partialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to embarrass and

embroil us in the calamitous scenes of Europe. Confident, fellow citizens,

that you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions toward

the observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is

our duty to look on the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration

indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, I am persuaded you

will cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions among

yourselves and in all communications with your constituents; and I

anticipate with satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great

interests now committed to you will give you an opportunity of providing,

and myself that of approving and carrying into execution with the fidelity

I owe to my country.


TH. JEFFERSON


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