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President[ Thomas Jefferson

         Date[ December 8, 1801

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting the

great council of our nation I am able to announce to them on grounds of

reasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have for so many

years afflicted our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that

the communications of peace and commerce are once more opening among them.

Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent Being who has been

pleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we

are bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to Him that our own peace

has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted

quietly to cultivate the earth and to practice and improve those arts which

tend to increase our comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly

disposition received from all the powers with whom we have principle

relations had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have

been disturbed. But a cessation of irregularities which had affected the

commerce of neutral nations and of the irritations and injuries produced by

them can not but add to this confidence, and strengthens at the same time

the hope that wrongs committed on unoffending friends under a pressure of

circumstances will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as

founding just claims of retribution for the past and new assurance for the

future.

Among our Indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship generally

prevails, and I am happy to inform you that the continued efforts to

introduce among them the implements and the practice of husbandry and the

household arts have not been without success; that they are becoming more

and more sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and

subsistence over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing, and

already we are able to announce that instead of that constant diminution of

their numbers produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to

experience an increase of population.

To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only

exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States,

had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and

had permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to comply before a

given day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer.

I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances

to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders to

protect our commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was

seasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war. His cruisers

were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean

was blockaded and that of the Atlantic in peril.

The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan

cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner Enterprise,

commanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger

vessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss

of a single one on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on that

element will, I trust, be a testimony to the world that it is not the want

of that virtue which makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious desire

to direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human

race, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the Constitution, without

the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the vessel,

being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated with its

crew.

The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing measures of

offense also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that of

its adversaries. I communicate all material information on this subject,

that in the exercise of this important function confided by the

Constitution to the Legislature exclusively their judgment may form itself

on a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight.

I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary States was

entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place in the

performance of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by

immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right

of considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their side. From

the papers which will be laid before you you will be enabled to judge

whether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of

their demands or as guarding from the exercise of force our vessels within

their power, and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave

our affairs with them in their present posture.

I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,

to a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ration of

representation and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of numbers

during the last 10 years, proceeding in geometric ratio, promises a

duplication in little more than 22 years. We contemplate this rapid growth

and the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may

enable us to do others in some future day, but to the settlement of the

extensive country still remaining vacant within our limits to the

multiplication of men susceptible of happiness, educated in the love of

order, habituated to self-government, and valuing its blessings above all

price.

Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced

an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a ratio far beyond

that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations now

taking place so desirably for the whole world may for a season affect this

branch of revenue, yet weighing all probabilities of expense as well as of

income, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely

dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps,

auctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on

news papers may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and

that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the

support of Government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and to

discharge the principals within shorter periods than the laws or the

general expectation had contemplated.

War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things and

call for expenses which imposts could not meet; but sound principles will

not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate

treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps,

happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure.

These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the

expectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction may

take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of the

civil Government, the Army, and Navy will need revisal.

When we consider that this Government is charged with the external and

mutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves have

principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation,

constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether

our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and

officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily and sometimes injuriously

to the service they were meant to promote.

I will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those

who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury

or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the

ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely

traced in a first trial.

Among those who are dependent on Executive discretion I have begun the

reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency

have been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue who

were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution have been

discontinued. Several agencies created by Executive authorities, on

salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the

expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises

to legislative inspection and sanction.

Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which

is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained.

But the great mass of public offices is established by law, and therefore

by law alone can be abolished. Should the Legislature think it expedient to

pass this roll in review and try all its parts by the test of public

utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which Executive

information can yield.

Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies and

to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can

bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents

itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that

after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can

subsist, Government shall itself consume the whole residue of what it was

instituted to guard.

In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction it

would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by

appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of

definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the

appropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the

undefined field of contingencies and thereby circumscribing discretionary

powers over money, and by bringing back to a single department all

accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt,

efficacious, and uniform.

An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared

by the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. The

success which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that

with attention they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the

payments those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the

national debt will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained.

To these will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the

ensuing year. This last will, of course, be affected by such modifications

of the system of expense as you shall think proper to adopt.

A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature

consideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be

expedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole

amount is considerably short of the present military establishment. For the

surplus no particular use can be pointed out.

For defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it

conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of

peace for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular

point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only

force which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is the

body of the neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these,

collected from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the

invading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack, but if

it threatens to be permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be

engaged to relieve them. These considerations render it important that we

should at every session continue to amend the defects which from time to

time shew themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are

sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now or at any time separate until we

say we have done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy

at our door.

The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you

may judge of the additions still requisite.

With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be

expected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every part

of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will probably

continue to be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever

annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval

preparations would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles

which may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when

any exigence calls them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by

papers now communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as

directed by law.

How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and

establishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and

pursued in the execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses

already incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I have in certain

cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the Legislature might

determine whether so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated.

The works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and 5 of the 7

frigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up here, where,

besides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of the

Executive Administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves

also will be guided by your own view in the legislative provisions

respecting them which may from time to time be necessary. They are

preserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to

them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others

are yet to be laid up so soon as they shall have received the repairs

requisite to put them also into sound condition. As a superintending

officer will be necessary at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto

fixed by the Executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation. A

communication will also be made of our progress in the execution of the law

respecting the vessels directed to be sold.

The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present

considerations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale

sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the

efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within it,

others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection, so much

in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them as to make

it questionable what is best now to be done. A statement of those commenced

or projected, of the expenses already incurred, and estimates of their

future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you

may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws

respecting this subject.

Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our

prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual

enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes

be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or

inquiries they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our

constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient

assurance they will occupy your attention. We can not, indeed, but all feel

an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade

will soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is

a subject of important consideration.

The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion of

it recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of

Congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the

institution bears on the business it has to perform, I have caused to be

procured from the several States and now lay before Congress an exact

statement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the

courts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges

were brought in to their aid.

And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your

consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of

juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our

persons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to

their value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently

secured in those States where they are named by a marshal depending on

Executive will or designated by the court or by officers dependent on

them.

I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of

naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of

citizenship under a residence of 14 years is a denial to a great proportion

of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their first

settlement by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to

their prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from

distress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to

our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum

on this globe? The Constitution indeed has wisely provided that for

admission to certain offices of important trust a residence shall be

required sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the

general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to

everyone manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes

permanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the

fraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which brings so much

embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much danger to the

nation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be spared to detect

and suppress it?

These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation

which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at

this time. Some others of less moment or not yet ready for communication

will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of

committing the arduous affairs of our Government to the collected wisdom of

the Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform as far as in my

power the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful

execution.

The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within your

own walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion,

and by its example will encourage among our constituents that progress of

opinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all

should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but

I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will

cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for their

object to preserve the General and State Governments in their

constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order

and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of

administration favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to

reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of Government.

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