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President[ John Adams

         Date[ November 22, 1797

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of

the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to

convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was

desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and

a considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants

of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their

fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state

and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,

now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the

members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to

meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone

the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution

upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in

Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our

citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,

abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for

interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,

prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,

and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a

calm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our

moral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked--one in July, the

other in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have received

intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they

all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of

September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing

will have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a

successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with

the safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean

time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the

attainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of

which on many former occasions the people of the United States have given

such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national

defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their

power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the

adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary

measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the

opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then

prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the

reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and

whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain

that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state

of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious

obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so

impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of

nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and

violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground

on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or

defense will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,

at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The

genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their

cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,

fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In

short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be

destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and

distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.

The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of

commercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this

view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I

forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our

commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the

only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power at

the opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable

information of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty

respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the

demarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic intelligence

Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running

of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the

more to be regretted as they can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner

injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the

answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the

Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it

proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run

the line of limits. Further information on this subject will be

communicated in the course of the session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier

it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate

the affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to actual

hostilities against the United States. Great activity has been exerted by

those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes

residing within the territory of the United States to influence them to

transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into

a confederacy, and prepare them for war against the United States. Although

measures have been taken to counteract these infractions of our rights, to

prevent Indian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the

United States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to

these measures and to obviate the consequences of a repetition of such

practices a law providing adequate punishment for such offenses may be

necessary.

The commissioners appointed under the 5th article of the treaty of amity,

commerce, and navigation between the United States and Great Britain to

ascertain the river which was truly intended under the name of the river

St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay in

1796 October, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question and the

adjacent shores and islands, and, being of opinion that actual surveys of

both rivers to their sources were necessary, gave to the agents of the two

nations instructions for that purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in

August. They met, but the surveys requiring more time than had been

supposed, and not being then completed, the commissioners again adjourned,

to meet at Providence, in the State of Rhode Island, in June next, when we

may expect a final examination and decision.

The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 6th article of the treaty

met at Philadelphia in May last to examine the claims of British subjects

for debts contracted before the peace and still remaining due to them from

citizens or inhabitants of the United States. Various causes have hitherto

prevented any determinations, but the business is now resumed, and

doubtless will be prosecuted without interruption.

Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United States for losses

and damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegal captures or

condemnations of their vessels or other property have been made by the

commissioners in London conformably to the 7th article of the treaty. The

sums awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the British Government.

A considerable number of other claims, where costs and damages, and not

captured property, were the only objects in question, have been decided by

arbitration, and the sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have

also been paid.

The commissioners appointed agreeably to the 21st article of our treaty

with Spain met at Philadelphia in the summer past to examine and decide on

the claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained in consequence of

their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of His Catholic

Majesty during the late war between Spain and France. Their sittings have

been interrupted, but are now resumed.

The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses and

damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the commissioners

acting under the 6th article of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the

losses and damages sustained by British subjects by reason of the capture

of their vessels and merchandise taken within the limits and jurisdiction

of the United States and brought into their ports, or taken by vessels

originally armed in ports of the United States, upon the awards of the

commissioners acting under the 7th article of the same treaty, it is

necessary that provision be made for fulfilling these obligations.

The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French

Republic and of some by those of Spain have occasioned considerable

expenses in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before their

tribunals. The sums required for this purpose have in divers instances been

disbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means of the same

captures great numbers of our sea men have been thrown ashore in foreign

countries, destitute of all means of subsistence, and the sick in

particular have been exposed to grievous sufferings. The consuls have in

these cases also advanced moneys for their relief. For these advances they

reasonably expect reimbursements from the United States.

The consular act relative to sea men requires revision and amendment. The

provisions for their support in foreign countries and for their return are

found to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision seems necessary

to be added to the consular act. Some foreign vessels have been discovered

sailing under the flag of the United States and with forged papers. It

seldom happens that the consuls can detect this deception, because they

have no authority to demand an inspection of the registers and sea

letters.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration those objects

which by the Constitution are placed particularly within your sphere--the

national debts and taxes.

Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defense was

provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of loans has

been introduced, and as no nation can raise within the year by taxes

sufficient sums for its defense and military operations in time of war the

sums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily become the subjects of

what have been called funding systems. The consequences arising from the

continual accumulation of public debts in other countries ought to admonish

us to be careful to prevent their growth in our own. The national defense

must be provided for as well as the support of Government; but both should

be accomplished as much as possible by immediate taxes, and as little as

possible by loans.

The estimates for the service of the ensuing year will by my direction be

laid before you.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

We are met together at a most interesting period. The situations of the

principal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected with some

by treaties and with all by commerce, no important event there can be

indifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar importunity not

less for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the honor,

safety, and prosperity of our country depend than for all the exertions of

wisdom and firmness.

In all such measures you may rely on my zealous and hearty concurrence.

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