President[ George Washington
Date[ December 7, 1796
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
In recurring to the internal situation of our country since I had last the
pleasure to address you, I find ample reason for a renewed expression of
that gratitude to the Ruler of the Universe which a continued series of
prosperity has so often and so justly called forth.
The acts of the last session which required special arrangements have been
as far as circumstances would admit carried into operation.
Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the
Indians and to preserve peace along the extent of our interior frontier
have been digested and adopted. In the framing of these care has been taken
to guard on the one hand our advanced settlements from the predatory
incursions of those unruly individuals who can not be restrained by their
tribes, and on the other hand to protect the rights secured to the Indians
by treaty--to draw them nearer to the civilized state and inspire them
with correct conceptions of the power as well as justice of the
Government.
The meeting of the deputies from the Creek Nation at Colerain, in the State
of Georgia, which had for a principal object the purchase of a parcel of
their land by that State, broke up without its being accomplished, the
nation having previous to their departure instructed them against making
any sale. The occasion, however, has been improved to confirm by a new
treaty with the Creeks their preexisting engagements with the United
States, and to obtain their consent to the establishment of trading houses
and military posts within their boundary, by means of which their
friendship and the general peace may be more effectually secured.
The period during the late session at which the appropriation was passed
for carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation
between the United States and His Brittanic Majesty necessarily
procrastinated the reception of the posts stipulated to be delivered beyond
the date assigned for that event. As soon, however, as the Governor-General
of Canada could be addressed with propriety on the subject, arrangements
were cordially and promptly concluded for their evacuation, and the United
States took possession of the principal of them, comprehending Oswego,
Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Fort Miami, where such repairs and
additions have been ordered to be made as appeared indispensable.
The commissioners appointed on the part of the United States and of Great
Britain to determine which is the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty
of peace of 1783, agreed in the choice of Egbert Benson, esq., of New York,
for the 3rd commissioner. The whole met at St. Andrew's, in Passamaquoddy
Bay, in the beginning of October, and directed surveys to be made of the
rivers in dispute; but deeming it impracticable to have these surveys
completed before the next year, they adjourned to meet at Boston in August,
1797, for the final decision of the question.
Other commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, agreeably
to the 7th article of the treaty with Great Britain, relative to captures
and condemnation of vessels and other property, met the commissioners of
His Britannic Majesty in London in August last, when John Trumbull, esq.,
was chosen by lot for the 5th commissioner. In October following the board
were to proceed to business. As yet there has been no communication of
commissioners on the part of Great Britain to unite with those who have
been appointed on the part of the United States for carrying into effect
the 6th article of the treaty.
The treaty with Spain required that the commissioners for running the
boundary line between the territory of the United States and His Catholic
Majesty's provinces of East and West Florida should meet at the Natchez
before the expiration of 6 months after the exchange of the ratifications,
which was effected at Aranjuez on the 25th day of April; and the
troops of His Catholic Majesty occupying any posts within the limits of
the United States were within the same time period to be withdrawn. The
commissioner of the United States therefore commenced his journey for the
Natchez in September, and troops were ordered to occupy the posts from
which the Spanish garrisons should be withdrawn. Information has been
recently received of the appointment of a commissioner on the part of His
Catholic Majesty for running the boundary line, but none of any appointment
for the adjustment of the claims of our citizens whose vessels were
captured by the armed vessels of Spain.
In pursuance of the act of Congress passed in the last session for the
protection and relief of American sea-men, agents were appointed, one to
reside in Great Britain and the other in the West Indies. The effects of
the agency in the West Indies are not yet fully ascertained, but those
which have been communicated afford grounds to believe the measure will be
beneficial. The agent destined to reside in Great Britain declining to
accept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved on the
minister of the United States in London, and will command his attention
until a new agent shall be appointed.
After many delays and disappointments arising out of the European war, the
final arrangements for fulfilling the engagements made to the Dey and
Regency of Algiers will in all present appearance be crowned with success,
but under great, though inevitable, disadvantages in the pecuniary
transactions occasioned by that war, which will render further provision
necessary. The actual liberation of all our citizens who were prisoners in
Algiers, while it gratifies every feeling of heart, is itself an earnest of
a satisfactory termination of the whole negotiation. Measures are in
operation for effecting treaties with the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli.
To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is
indispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a State is
itself a party. But besides this, it is in our own experience that the most
sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of
nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force
organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may
even prevent the necessity of going to war by discouraging belligerent
powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party
as may, first or last, leave no other option. From the best information I
have been able to obtain it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean
without a protecting force will always be insecure and our citizens exposed
to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved.
These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and to
set about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing progress of their
navigation promises them at no distant period the requisite supply of
sea-men, and their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It is an
encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give weight
and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not, then,
be advisable to begin without delay to provide and lay up the materials for
the building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work by
degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practicable without
inconvenience, so that a future war of Europe may not find our commerce in
the same unprotected state in which it was found by the present?
Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention
to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence
not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall
appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on public account are
inexpedient; but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope
that certain branches of manufacture will for a great length of time
obtain, when these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and
equipping of the public force in time of war, are not establishments for
procuring them on public account to the extent of the ordinary demand for
the public service recommended by strong considerations of national policy
as an exception to the general rule?
Ought our country to remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply,
precarious because liable to be interrupted? If the necessary article
should in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the security and
independence thence arising form an ample compensation?
Establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public
service in time of peace, will in time of war easily be extended in
proportion to the exigencies of the Government, and may even perhaps be
made to yield a surplus for the supply of our citizens at large, so as to
mitigate the privations from the interruption of their trade. If adopted,
the plan ought to exclude all those branches which are already, or likely
soon to be, established in the country, in order that there may be no danger
of interference with pursuits of individual industry.
It will not be doubted that with reference either to individual or national
welfare agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as nations
advance in population and other circumstances of maturity this truth
becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more and
more an object of public patronage. Institutions for promoting it grow up,
supported by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated with
greater propriety?
Among the means which have been employed to this end none have been
attended with greater success than the establishment of boards (composed of
proper characters) charged with collecting and diffusing information, and
enabled by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist a
spirit of discovery and improvement. This species of establishment
contributes doubly to the increase of improvement by stimulating to
enterprise and experiment, and by drawing to a common center the results
everywhere of individual skill and observation, and spreading them thence
over the whole nation. Experience accordingly has shewn that they are very
cheap instruments of immense national benefits.
I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress the expediency
of establishing a national university and also a military academy. The
desirableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with
every new view I have taken of the subject that I can not omit the
opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them.
The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be fully
sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes
to national prosperity and reputation.
True it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries of
learning highly repeatable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest
are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different
departments of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated, though
they would be excellent auxiliaries.
Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the
principles, opinions, and manners of our country-men by the common
education of a portion of our youth from every quarter well deserves
attention. The more homogenous our citizens can be made in these
particulars the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a
primary object of such a national institution should be the education of
our youth in the science of government. In a republic what species of
knowledge can be equally important and what duty more pressing on its
legislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are
to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country?
The institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent
reasons. However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought
never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for
emergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character, and both
would hazard its safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be
avoided; besides that, war might often not depend upon its own choice. In
proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from
the necessity of practicing the rules of the military art ought to be its
care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the
knowledge of that art.
Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples superficially
viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of
war is at once comprehensive and complicated, that it demands much previous
study, and that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state
is always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore,
ought to be a serious care of every government, and for this purpose an
academy where a regular course of instruction is given is an obvious
expedient which different nations have successfully employed.
The compensation to the officers of the United States in various instances,
and in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear to
call for legislative revision. The consequences of a defective provision
are of serious import to the Government. If private wealth is to supply the
defect of public retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within
which the selection of character for office is to be made, and will
proportionally diminish the probability of a choice of men able as well as
upright. Besides that, it should be repugnant to the vital principles of
our Government virtually to exclude from public trusts talents and virtue
unless accompanied by wealth.
While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and
embarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain
and deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature
have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive
injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French
Republic, and communications have been received from its minister here
which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its
authority, and which are in other respects far from agreeable.
It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that
of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly
understanding with that Republic. This wish remains unabated, and I shall
persevere in the endeavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of what shall
be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor
of our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation that a
spirit of justice, candor, and friendship on the part of the Republic will
eventually insure success.
In pursuing this course, however, I can not forget what is due to the
character of our Government and nation, or to a full and entire confidence
in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my
country-men.
I reserve for a special message a more particular communication on this
interesting subject.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the service
of the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper Department, with a view
of the public receipts and expenditures to the latest period to which an
account can be prepared.
It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you that the revenues of the
United States continue in a state of progressive improvement.
A reenforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public debt
was mentioned in my address at the opening of the last session. Some
preliminary steps were taken toward it, the maturing of which will no doubt
engage your zealous attention during the present. I will only add that it
will afford me a heart-felt satisfaction to concur in such further measures
as will ascertain to our country the prospect of a speedy extinguishment of
the debt. Posterity may have cause to regret if from any motive intervals
of tranquillity are left unimproved for accelerating this valuable end.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on an
efficient establishment has been so often and so ardently expressed that I
shall but barely recall the subject to your view on the present occasion,
at the same time that I shall submit to your inquiry whether our harbors
are yet sufficiently secured.
The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst of the
representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the
period when the administration of the present form of government commenced,
and I can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the
success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the
Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations that His
providential care may still be extended to the United States, that the
virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the
Government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties
may be perpetual.
GO. WASHINGTON
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