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President[ George Washington

         Date[ November 19, 1794

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the

American people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of

our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to which

it seems destined, with the deepest regret do I announce to you that during

your recess some of the citizens of the United States have been found

capable of insurrection. It is due, however, to the character of our

Government and to its stability, which can not be shaken by the enemies of

order, freely to unfold the course of this event.

During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the

legislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States "to lay

and collect excises". In a majority of the States scarcely an objection was

heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first

conceived, until they were banished by reason and patriotism. In the four

western counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by

the artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of others

by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence.

It is well known that Congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints

which were presented, and to relieve them as far as justice dictated or

general convenience would permit. But the impression which this moderation

made on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. The arts

of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing

individuals. The very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted

into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men

began to denounce threats against the officers employed. From a belief that

by a more formal concert their operation might be defeated, certain

self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the

greater part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the acts

of excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. It is now

perceived that every expectation from the tenderness which had been

hitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further delay could only create

an opinion of impotency or irresolution in the Government. Legal process

was therefore delivered to the marshal against the rioters and delinquent

distillers.

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance

of armed men was aimed at his person and the person and property of the

inspector of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and

detained him for some time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy

of his life, to renounce the service of other process on the west side of

the Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to

demand a surrender of that which he had served. A numerous body repeatedly

attacked the house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, and

finally destroyed by fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both

of these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of

Government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to

compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms the

authority of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws

of excise and an alteration in the conduct of Government.

Upon testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme Court of

the United States notified to me that "in the counties of Washington and

Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States were opposed, and the

execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed

by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in

the marshal of that district".

On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighted what might

best subdue the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to be

stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the very

existence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends of

Government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent

acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion of

the United States would be to violate the fundamental principle of our

Constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail. On

the other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of

such excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of so

distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with

many affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted.

I postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia immediately into the

field, but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious

endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the malignant of their

danger should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act before

the season should be too far advanced.

My proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly issued, and

accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged to

repair to the scene of insurrection. They were authorized to confer

with any bodies of men or individuals. They were instructed to be

candid and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the

Executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to

represent, however, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort;

but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful

citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of Executive

power. Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the Government of the United

States and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a

satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and

abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of

conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted

the tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed as the

atonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither

sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further

suspension of the march of the militia.

Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia

to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of

the 25th of September last.

It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest degree

of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect,

indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow citizens belonging to the

militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My very

reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its extent

been accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest

efficient numbers. In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion fifteen

thousand men, as being an army which, according to all human calculation,

would be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering

resistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been

assigned to the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,

the governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion

which justified a requisition to the other States.

As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service of

the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous to

obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements.

Had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from

obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of

the most culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and

may be deemed fit objects of example; that the friends to peace and good

government were not in need of that aid and countenance which they ought

always to receive, and, I trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and

turbulent, I should have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring

the militia to their families and homes. But succeeding intelligence has

tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now

confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of

the insurgents that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a

particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated many

of the offenders. If the state of things had afforded reason for the

continuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been

withholden. But every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound to

the reputation and strength of the United States, I have judged it most

proper to resume my duties at the seat of Government, leaving the chief

command with the governor of Virginia.

Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present,

whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may

not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period in

the four western counties of Pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether we

contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution of

the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an honorable

attachment to them. Thirty days from the commencement of this session being

the legal limitation of the employment of the militia, Congress can not be

too early occupied with this subject.

Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs, and

from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not escape

their observation that not only the inspector of the revenue, but other

officers of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from their fidelity in

the discharge of their functions, sustained material injuries to their

property. The obligation and policy of indemnifying them are strong and

obvious. It may also merit attention whether policy will not enlarge this

provision to the retribution of other citizens who, though not under the

ties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for

upholding the Constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the

injured were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies the

Government would be amply repaid by the influence of an example that he who

incurs a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in its liberality.

While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have

disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our

community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the

public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations

for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid

foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow citizens

understand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel

their inseparable union; that notwithstanding all the devices which have

been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are not as ready

to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they

were to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a spectacle

displaying to the highest advantage of republican government to behold the

most and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as

private soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being the army of the

Constitution--undeterred by a march of 300 miles over rugged mountains, by

approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought

I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic cooperation which I

have experienced from the chief magistrates of the States to which my

requisitions have been addressed.

To every description of citizens, let praise be given, but let them

persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of

American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish

it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seeking a

dwelling in our land. And when in the calm moments of reflection they shall

have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them

determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men who,

careless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who

rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an

ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations

of the whole Government.

Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into

office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the

Constitution of the United States", on you, gentlemen, and the people by

whom you are deputed, I rely for support.

In the arrangement to which the possibility of a similar contingency will

naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the militia

laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been supplied

by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense and waste,

which are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is

attended with a doubt on its success.

The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia would be a

genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public

gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not

pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming,

and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the

Constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the Union,

suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never too

frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the fortifications

which have been already licensed by law be commensurate with our

exigencies.

The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is a

happy presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians north

of the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance which

he has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and weakened their

obstinacy in waging war against the United States. And yet, even at this

late hour, when our power to punish them can not be questioned, we shall

not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity,

and good neighborhood.

Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared.

The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the imposition of

the General Government and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove

the discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement mediated at Presque Isle,

on Lake Erie, has been suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to

rectify any misconception into which they may have fallen. But I can not

refrain from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which I

recommended at the last session for the improvement of harmony with all the

Indians within our limits by the fixing and conducting of trading houses

upon the principles then expressed.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures

has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definite

plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that the result

is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay.

Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation and nothing

would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is

unfinished of our system of public credit can not be benefited by

procrastination; and as far as may be practicable we ought to place that

credit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that

progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all

governments.

An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures

into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to

Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious

metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion have been

lodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect that

the institution will at no remote day realize the expectation which was

originally formed of its utility.

In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse with

foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may not be

unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has

been to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe the treaties with

pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of

impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended and correct what

may have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the right,

to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done

to ourselves.

Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to

spread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the

machinations of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to enable

us at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to flight;

to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already

conferred, and to verify the anticipations of this Government being a

safeguard of human rights.

GO. WASHINGTON

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