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President[ George Washington

         Date[ December 3, 1793

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into

office no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at

large the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed testimony

of public approbation. While on the one hand it awakened my gratitude for

all those instances of affectionate partiality with which I have been

honored by my country, on the other it could not prevent an earnest wish

for that retirement from which no private consideration should ever have

torn me. But influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated

according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities

derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for

their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the

Executive power; and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of

nations depends to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general

happiness.

As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United

States have the most extensive relations there was reason to apprehend that

our intercourse with them might be interrupted and our disposition for

peace drawn into question by the suspicions too often entertained by

belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our

citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and of hostile acts to

any of the parties, and to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal

state of things an easier admission of our right to the immunities

belonging to our situation. Under these impressions the proclamation which

will be laid before you was issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt

general rules which should conform to the treaties and assert the

privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which

will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought of myself at

liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our treaty of

commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to

cause them to be restored when they were taken within the protection of our

territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within

the limits of the United States.

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this

plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the

legal code and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States to many

cases which, though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some

further provisions.

Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in

hostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military

expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United States, or

usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States, or where

the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been

indistinctly marked, or are inadequate--these offenses can not receive too

early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the

judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation,

effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.

In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular

circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace,

and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false

color of being hostile property, and have denied their power to liberate

certain captures within the protection of our territory, it would seem

proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the Executive

is to be the resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, it is hoped

that he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts

when for his own information he shall request it.

I can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our

duties to the rest of the world without again pressing upon you the

necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense and of

exacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us. The United

States ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of

human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to

arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank

due to the United States among nations which will be withheld, if not

absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid

insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of

the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known

that we are at all times ready for war. The documents which will be

presented to you will shew the amount and kinds of arms and military stores

now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these

supplies can not with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to

the uncertainty of procuring warlike apparatus in the moment of public

danger.

Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or

jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are

incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a

pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be

trained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of the

United States. But it is an inquiry which can not be too solemnly pursued,

whether the act "more effectually to provide for the national defense by

establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States" has organized

them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own experience in the

several States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme, and

whether a material feature in an improvement of it ought not to be to

afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art

which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone.

The connection of the United States with Europe has become extremely

interesting. The occurrences which relate to it and have passed under the

knowledge of the Executive will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent

communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that

every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension

with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the

commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love

of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential

interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an

amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act

offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of

military preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the season,

before good faith justified active movements, may retard them during the

remainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence which relate to

this important subject you will determine whether the deficiency in the

number of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of militia,

or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits.

An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Executive for peace with the

Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with

clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited during the recess

of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have

been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers which

will be delivered to you disclose the critical footing on which we stand in

regard to both those tribes, and it is with Congress to pronounce what

shall be done.

After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit

their most serious labors to render tranquillity with the savages permanent

by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on

the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian

nations in behalf of the United States is most likely to conciliate their

attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion,

with constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the

commodities of the Indians and a stated price for what they give in payment

and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic unless

they be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United

States to be reimbursed only. Should this recommendation accord with the

opinion of Congress, they will recollect that it can not be accomplished by

any means yet in the hands of the Executive.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The commissioners charged with the settlement of accounts between the

United States and individual States concluded their important function

within the time limited by law, and the balances struck in their report,

which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of the

Treasury.

On the first day of June last an installment of 1,000,000 florins became

payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by

a prolongation of the period of reimbursement in nature of a new loan at an

interest of 5% for the term of ten years, and the expenses of this

operation were a commission of 3%.

The first installment of the loan of $2,000,000 from the Bank of the United

States has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second it is

necessary that provision be made.

No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and

discharge of the public debt. On none can delay be more injurious or an

economy of time more valuable.

The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to equal

the anticipations which were formed of it, but it is not expected to prove

commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. Some auxiliary

provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite, and it is hoped

that these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of

our citizens, who can not but be sensible of the true wisdom of

encountering a small present addition to their contributions to obviate a

future accumulation of burthens.

But here I can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the

transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the

Government of the United States as the affections of the people, guided by

an enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can conduce more

than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without

restraint throughout the United States.

An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service of the

ensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores made

during the recess will be presented to Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The several subjects to which I have now referred open a wide range to your

deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our common

country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task.

Without an unprejudiced coolness the welfare of the Government may be

hazarded; without harmony as far as consists with freedom of sentiment its

dignity may be lost. But as the legislative proceedings of the United

States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of

candor, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my

strenuous and warmest cooperation.

GO. WASHINGTON

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